The following excerpts have been taken from Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s book, “The Indian Struggle 1920-1942” published by Oxford University Press.

On Mahatma Gandhi.

Though Hindu society has never had an established church like Europe, the mass of the people have been profoundly susceptible to the influence of Avatars. Priests and ‘gurus’. The spiritual man has always wielded the largest influence in India and he is called a ‘Saint’ or ‘Mahatma’ or ‘Sadhu’. For various reasons, Gandhiji came to be looked upon by the mass of the people as a Mahatma before he became the undisputed political leader of India. At the Nagpur Congress in December 1920, Mr. M.A.Jinnah, who was till then a Nationalist leader, addressed him as ‘Mr. Gandhi’, and he was shouted down by thousands of people who insisted that he should address him as ‘Mahatma Gandhi’. The asceticism of Gandhiji, his simple life, his vegetarian diet, his adherence to truth and his consequent fearlessness-all combined to give him a halo of saintliness. His loin-cloth was reminiscent of Christ, while his sitting posture at the time of lecturing was reminiscent of Buddha. Now all this was a tremendous asset to the Mahatma in compelling the attention and obedience of his countrymen. As we have already seen, a large and influential section of the intelligentsia was against him, but this opposition was gradually worn down through the enthusiastic support given by the masses. Consciously or unconsciously, the Mahatma fully exploited the mass psychology of the people, just as Lenin did the same thing in Russia, Mussolini in Italy and Hitler in Germany. But in doing so, the Mahatma was using a weapon which was sure to recoil on his head. He was exploiting many of the weak traits in the character of his countrymen which had accounted for India’s downfall to a large extent. After all, what has brought about India’s downfall in the material and political sphere? It is her inordinate belief in fate and in the supernatural, her indifference to modern scientific development, her backwardness in the science of modern warfare, the peaceful contentment engendered by her latter-day philosophy and adherence to Ahimsa (non-violence) carried to the most absurd length. In 1920, when the Congress began to preach the political doctrine of non-co-operation, a large number of Congressmen, who had accepted the Mahatma not merely as a political leader but also as a religious preceptor, began to preach the cult of the new Messiah. As a consequence, many people gave up eating fish and meat, took the same dress as the Mahatma, adopted his daily habits like morning and evening prayer and began to talk more of spiritual freedom than of political Swaraj. In some parts of the country the Mahatma began to be worshipped as an Avatar. Such was the madness that seized the country at the time that in April 1923 in a politically-minded province like Bengal, a resolution moved at the Jessore Provincial Conference to the effect that the goal of the Congress was not spiritual Swaraj but political Swaraj was defeated at the end of a heated debate.

The role which a man plays in history depends partly on his physical and mental equipment, and partly on the environment and the needs of times in which he is born. There is something in Mahatma Gandhi, which appeals to the mass of the Indian people. Born in another country he might have been a complete misfit. What, for instance, would he have done in a country like Russia or Germany or Italy? His doctrine of non-violence would have led him to the cross or to the mental hospital. In India it is different. His simple life, his vegetarian diet, his goat’s milk, his day of silence every week, his habit of squatting on the floor instead of sitting on a chair, his loin-cloth, in fact, everything connected with him has marked him out as one of the eccentric Mahatmas of old and has brought him nearer to his people. Wherever he may go, even the poorest of the poor feels that he is a product of the Indian soil-bone of his bone, flesh of his flesh. When the Mahatma speaks, he does so in a language that they comprehend, not in the language Sir Surendra Nath Banerji would have done, but in that of the Bhagavad-Gita and the Ramayana.

When he talks to them about Swaraj, he does not dilate on the virtues of provincial autonomy or federation, he reminds them of the glories of Ramarajya (the kingdom of King Rama of old) and they understand. And when he talks of conquering through love and ahimsa (non-violence), they are reminded of Buddha and Mahavira and they accept him.

But the conformity of the Mahatma’s physical and mental equipment in the traditions and temperament of the Indian people is but one factor accounting for the former’s success. If he had been born in another epoch in Indian history, he might not have been able to distinguish himself so well. For instance, what would he have done at the time of the Revolution of 1857 when the people had arms and were able to fight and wanted a leader who could lead them in battle? The success of the Mahatma has been due to the failure of constitutionalism on the one side and armed revolution on the other. Since the eighties of the last century, the best political brains among the Indian people were engaged in a constitutional fight, in which the qualities most essential were skill in debate and eloquence in speech. In such an environment it is unlikely that the Mahatma would have attained much eminence. With the dawn of the present century people began to lose faith in constitutional methods. New weapons like Swadeshi (revival of national industry) and Boycott appeared, and simultaneously the revolutionary movement was born. As the years rolled by, the revolutionary movement began to gain ground (especially in Upper India) and during the Great War there was an attempt at a revolution. The failure of this attempt at a time when Britain had her hands full and the tragic events of 1919 convinced the Indian people that it was no use trying to resort to the method of physical force. The superior equipment of Britain would easily smash any such attempt and in its wake there would come indescribable misery and humiliation.

In 1920 India stood at the cross-road. Constitutionalism was dead, armed revolution was sheer madness. But silent acquiescence was impossible. The country was groping for a new method and looking for a new leader. Then there sprang up India’s man of destiny-Mahatma Gandhi-who had been bidding his time all these years and quietly preparing himself for the great task ahead of him. He knew himself, he knew his country’s needs and he knew also that during the next phase of India’s struggle, the crown of leadership would be on his head. No false sense of modesty troubled him, he spoke with a firm voice and the people obeyed.

The Indian National Congress of today is largely his creation. The Congress Constitution is his handiwork. From a talking body he has converted the Congress into a living and fighting organization. It has its ramification in every town and village in India, and the entire nation has been trained to listen to one voice. Nobility of character and capacity to suffer have been made the essential tests of leadership, and the Congress is today the largest and the most representative political organization in the country.

But how could he achieve so much within this short period? By his single-hearted devotion, his relentless will and his indefatigable labour. Moreover, the time was auspicious and his policy prudent. Though he appeared as a dynamic force, he was not too revolutionary for the majority of his countrymen. If he had been so, he would have frightened them, instead of inspiring them; repelled them, instead of drawing them. His policy was one of unification. He wanted to unite Hindu and Moslem; the high caste and the low caste; the capitalist and the labourer; the landlord and the peasant. By this humanitarian outlook and his freedom from hatred, he was able to rouse sympathy even in his enemy’s camp.

But Swaraj is still a distant dream. Instead of one, the people have waited for fourteen long years. And they will have to wait many more. With such purity of character and with such an unprecedented following, why has the Mahatma failed to liberate India?
He has failed because the strength of a leader depends not on the largeness, but on the character of one’s following. With a much smaller following, other leaders have been able to liberate their country, while the Mahatma with a much larger following has not. He has failed, because while he has understood the character of his own people, he has not understood the character of his opponents. The logic of the Mahatma is not the logic which appeals to John Bull. He has failed because his policy of putting all his cards on the table will not do. We have to render unto Caesar what is Caesar’s and in a political fight, the art of diplomacy cannot be dispensed with. He has failed, because he has not made use of the international weapon. If we desire to win our freedom through non-violence, diplomacy and international propaganda are essential. He has failed, because the false unity of interests, that are inherently opposed, is not a source of strength but a source of weakness in political warfare. The future of India rests exclusively with those radical and militant forces that will be able to undergo the sacrifice and suffering necessary for winning freedom. Last but not least, the Mahatma has failed, because he had to play a dual role in one person-the role of the leader of an enslaved people and that of a world-teacher, who has a new doctrine to preach. It is this duality which has made him at one the irreconcilable foe of the Englishman, according to Mr. Winston Churchill, and the best policeman of the Englishman, according to Miss Ellen Willkinson.

In spite of the unparalleled popularity and reputation which the Mahatma has among his countrymen and will continue to have regardless of his future political career, there is no doubt that the unique position of the Mahatma is due to his political leadership. The Mahatma himself distinguishes between his mass popularity and his political following and he is never content with having merely the former. Whether he will be able to retain that political following in the years to come in the event of the British attitude being as unbending as it is today, will depend on his ability to evolve a more radical policy. Will he be able to give up the attempt to unite all the elements in the country and boldly identify himself with the more radical forces? In that case nobody can possibly supplant him. The hero of the present phase of the Indian struggle will then be the hero of the next phase as well. But what does the balance of probability indicate?
The Patna meeting of the All India Congress Committee in May 1934, affords an interesting study in this connection. The Mahatma averted the Swarajist revolt by advocating Council-entry himself. But the Swarajists of 1934, are not the dynamic Swarajists of 1922-23. Therefore, while he was able to win them over, he could not avoid alienating the Left Wingers, many of whom have now combined to form the Congress Socialist Party. This is the first time that a Socialist Party has been started openly within the Indian National Congress, and it is extremely probable that economic issues will henceforth be brought to the fore. With the clarification of economic issues, parties will be more scientifically organized within the Congress and also among the people in general.

The Congress Socialists appear at the moment to be under the influence of Fabian Socialism and some of their ideas and shibboleths were the fashion several decades ago. Nevertheless, the Congress Socialists do represent a radical force within the Congress and in the country. Many of those who could have helped them actively are not available at present. When their assistance will be forthcoming, the Party will be able to make more headway.

One definite prediction can be made at this stage, namely, that the future parties within the Congress will be based on economic issues. It is not improbable that in the event of the Left Wingers capturing the Congress machinery, there will be a further secession from the Right and the setting up of a new organization of the Right Wingers like the Indian Liberal Federation of today. It will of course take some years to clarify the economic issues in the public mind, so that parties may be organized on the basis of a clear programme and ideology. Till the issues are clarified, Mahatma Gandhi’s political supremacy will remain unchallenged, even if there is a temporary retirement as in 1924. But once the clarification takes place, his political following will be greatly affected. As has been already indicated, the Mahatma has endeavourer in the past to hold together all the warring elements-landlord and peasant, capitalist and labour, rich and poor. That has been the secret of his success, as surely as it will be the ultimate cause of his failure. If all the warring elements resolve to carry on the struggle for political freedom, the internal social struggle will be postponed for a long time and men holding the position of the Mahatma will continue to dominate the public life of the country. But that will not be the case. The vested interests, the ‘haves’, will in future fight shy of the ‘have-nots’ in the political fight and will gradually incline towards the British Government. The logic of history will, therefore, follow its inevitable course. The political struggle and the social struggle will have to be conducted simultaneously. The Party that will win political freedom for India will also be the Party that will win social and economic freedom for the masses. Mahatma Gandhi has rendered and will continue to render phenomenal services to his country. But India’s salvation will not be achieved under his leadership.

On Deshabandhu Chittaranjan Das

For a people so prone to mysticism and supernaturalism, the only hope of political salvation lies in the growth of a sane rationalism and in the modernization of the material aspect of life. It was therefore distressing to many sober Nationalists to find that through the conscious influence of the Mahatma, some of the above weak traits in the Indian character were again becoming prominent. Thus there arose a rationalist revolt against the Mahatma and his philosophy. As the Swaraj Party headed this revolt, elements from the Right and from the Left that were tired of the irrationalism of the Mahatma-were those who preferred constitutional action to civil disobedience and the Deshabandhu C.R.Das by virtue of his social position and his vocation as an advocate, was able to command their confidence. Among the Left elements was the younger generation of Congressmen who did not find the ideology and method of the Mahatma to be sufficiently radical for the modern world and who looked upon the Deshabandhu as a more radical (or revolutionary) force in Indian politics. It was the unique personality of Deshabandhu C.R.Das that was able to combine into one party such dissimilar elements, to wrest the Congress machinery from the hands of the orthodox ‘No-Changers’ and to carry on a fight against the bureaucracy on many fronts. But in his absence, there was no one competent enough to continue his many-sided activities or to keep together the diverse elements that composed the Swaraj Party. The result was that the Swaraj Party remained in power only so long as the Mahatma did not emerge from his voluntary retirement. When he did emerge in 1929, the Swarajist leader, Pandit Motilal Nehru, surrendered without even the show of a fight.

The death of Deshabandhu C.R.Das may be regarded as the beginning of a period of all-round depression in the country. If Mahatma Gandhi had come out of his retirement exactly at this juncture, things might have taken a different course, but unfortunately for India, he did not do so. The Deshabandhu’s personality was, among other things, a powerful cementing factor within the Swaraj Party and also in the domain of Hindu-Muslem relations. It served, moreover, to tone up the attitude of the Party to an extremist pitch. In his absence, dissensions began to appear within the Party.

On Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru

Another factor which lent significance to the proceedings of the Madras Congress was the return of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru from Europe and his participation in the Congress deliberations. Pandit J.L.Nehru had had a most interesting career. After completing his studies at Cambridge he had been called to the Bar. But when in 1920 the non-co-operation movement was launched, he threw up his professional work and joined the Mahatma. According to popular gossip, he was largely responsible for persuading his father, Pandit Motilal Nehru, to do the same. He did not agree with the Swarajists on the question of working inside the Legislatures and since they came into power, he had voluntarily occupied a back seat in the councils of the Congress. Latterly he had been to Europe with his sick wife and during his stay there he studied some of the latest developments in Europe and especially in Soviet Russia. Since his return to India he gave expression to a new ideology and declared himself to be a Socialist, which was extremely welcome to the Left Wing in the Congress and to the youth organization in the country. The new phase in his public career was first given expression to the Madras Congress.

In August, a special meeting of the All-India Congress Committee was called to decide who should preside over the ensuing Congress. In accordance with the Congress Constitution, the vast majority of the Provincial Congress Committee had nominated Mahatma Gandhi, but he declined to accept the nomination. The general feeling in Congress circles was that the honour should go to Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. But the Mahatma decided to back the candidature of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. For the Mahatma the choice was a prudent one, but for the Congress Left Wing it proved to be unfortunate, because that event marked the beginning of a political rapprochement between the Mahatma and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and a consequent alienation between the latter and the Congress Left Wing. Since 1920, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru had been a close adherent of the policy advocated by the Mahatma and his personal relations with the latter had been always friendly. Nevertheless, since his return from Europe in December 1927, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru began to call himself a Socialist and give expression to views hostile towards Mahatma Gandhi and the older leaders and to ally himself in his public activities with the Left Wing opposition within the Congress. But for his strenuous advocacy, it would not have been possible for the Independence League to attain the importance that it did. Therefore, for the Mahatma it was essential that he should win over Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru if he wanted to beat down the Left Wing opposition and regain his former undisputed supremacy over the Congress. The Left Wingers did not like the idea that one of their most outstanding spokesmen should accept the Presidentship of the Lahore Congress, because it was clear that the Congress would be dominated by the Mahatma and the President would be a mere dummy. They were of opinion that a Left Wing leader should accept the Presidentship only when he was in a position to have his programme adopted by the Congress. But the Mahatma took a clever step in supporting the candidature of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and his election as President opened a new chapter in his public career. Since then, Pandit J. L. Nehru has been a consistent and unfailing supporter of the Mahatma.

Gandhi’s Appreciation of Bose . Taken from “Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi” Vol. 83 - Ahmedabad, 1981

Let me share with you the thoughts that have been crowding in my mind since yesterday. India has accorded to the released I.N.A. men a right royal welcome. They have been acclaimed as national heroes. Everybody seems to have been swept off his feet before the rising tide of popular sentiment. I must, however, frankly confess to you that I do not share this indiscriminate hero worship. I admire the ability, sacrifice and patriotism of the I.N.A. and Netaji Bose. But I cannot subscribe to the method which they adopted and which is incompatible with the one followed by the Congress for the last twenty-five years for the attainment of independence.
For me the visit to the I.N.A. men in detention was a matter of pure duty. It gave me supreme satisfaction to be able to meet them, and they on their part received me with warmth of affection which I shall always treasure. I have interpreted their welcome as a token of their recognition in me of a devoted servant of the country.
Netaji was like a son to me. I came to know him as a lieutenant, full of promise under the late Deshabandhu Das. His last message to the I.N.A. was that whilst on foreign soil they had fought with arms; on their return to India, they would have to serve the country as soldiers of non-violence under the guidance and leadership of the Congress. The message which the I.N.A. has for India is not adoption of the method of appeal to arms for settling disputes (it has been tried and found wanting) but of cultivating non-violence, unity, cohesion and organization.
Though the I.N.A. failed in their immediate objective, they have a lot to their credit of which they might well be proud. Greatest among these was to gather under one-banner men from all religions and races of India and to infuse into them a spirit of solidarity and oneness to the utter exclusion of all communal or parochial sentiment. It is an example which we should all emulate. If they did this under the glamour and romance of fighting, it was not much. It must persist in peace. It is a higher and more difficult work. We have to die performing our duty and without killing.

Nehru on the Achievements of Subhas Bose. Taken from “Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru” edited by S. Gopal/New Delhi, 1978

Some people ask me why I am now praising Subhas Bose when I had opposed him while he was in India. I want to give a frank reply to this question. Subhas Bose and I were co-workers in the struggle for freedom for 25 years. He was younger to me by two or four or perhaps more years. Our relations with each other were marked by great affection. I used to treat him as my younger brother.
The Indian National Army fought bravely for the freedom of India and large numbers of them died in that struggle. We honour them for their fight for freedom and for their sacrifices. Yet the main lesson they teach us is not only the love for the country and freedom, but discipline and organization and the unity they forged among themselves. The communal problem that troubles us so much was solved by them in their ranks. Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs lived together as Indians, and struggled unitedly for the common cause. We honour them for this specially and we honour their great leader, Subhas Chandra Bose. Even when we differed from him in the past we respected him as a great fighter for India’s freedom. In recent years he showed himself a great organizer and, above all, a welder of different communities of India into a single body. The facts that have come out in the recent trial establish that he consistently resisted the Japanese encroachment on the freedom of the Provisional Government, which he had set up, and on the Indian National Army. This Government and this army were no puppets of the Japanese, but were moved by the passion for freedom. Repeatedly they declared that they would not serve Japanese imperialism. The situation then was difficult and required a careful handling. Subhas Bose and his colleagues proved themselves as able leaders in those moments of great crisis and difficulty. Therefore we have to learn from the Indian National Army how to build up our unity and how to organize and discipline ourselves.

The INA Trial . Following excerpts have been taken from Mahanayak by Mr.Vishwas Patil

“Chalo Dilli! Onward Delhi!" Until then, in the past two centuries, no man had dares to openly defy the British! Netaji’s call set every one on fire. “My brave warriors of the Azad Hind Army, I know you are impatient to see the sun rising, free and independent over the horizon. Come! Lets go to Delhi. Break the noose of slavery that is strangling thirty-eight crore lives. Tear down the Union Jack that flutters over the Viceroy’s mansion and hoist our beloved tricolour. Then we will conduct the drill of our victorious army at the Lal Quila itself. What is rest till then? What is peace?”

The brave soldiers of the of the Azad Hind Fauj had reached the eastern gates of the country. The British stations at Imphal and Kohima were rattled. The road to Dimapur was cut off. Bishenpur fell. Subhas’s commandos landed in Gujarat, Bombay and Madras by submarine. Some said that the British papers of surrender were typed and ready. In a day or two, a week at the most, Subhas would storm Delhi with his forty thousand braves. How ever the stars played a cruel game. Unseasonal rains lashed Imphal and Kohima. Hiroshima and Nagasaki were bombed and the arena of the war changed. Thousand of the jubilant soldiers who were supposed to join in the final victory parade became an easy prey in the hands of the British army.

Once again, the Lal Quila was to witness a sensational drama. This time the noose was around the neck of three senior officers of the British-Indian Army who were carefully chosen - to ensure that no religion felt any neglect. Shah Nawaz Khan (a Muslim), Gurbaksh Singh Dhillon (a Sikh ) and Prem Sehgal (a Hindu).

One of the cell door was thrown open. An officer whispered to his colleague, “This is Shah Nawaz Khan, best Cadet of the Dehra Doon Military Academy”. One of the officers put his hands on Shah Nawaz’s shoulders said, “Son, will anyone looking at you and your borrowed uniform believe that today at least sixty men from your family are obediently serving the British army?” Shah Nawaz recognized Collins the Commandant of the IMA. He went on saying, “you would have become the Commander-in-Chief of the Indian army, my son." But, suddenly he pushed Shah Nawaz away.
“I hate you Shanno, I hate you!”
“Sir…!”
“Shall I clasp you to my breast as my beloved student, or kick you for a traitor?”
“Sir, what wrong have we done?”
“Shanno, you fool, you didn’t respect the salt you ate.”Shah Nawaz calmed down, “Whose salt?” he asked.
“The Army’s, the King Emperor’s.”“I am sorry sir! Why should I come to British shores to eat your Emperor’s salt? What I have tasted is the salt of my own land!”“Totally misguided by the enemy,” the agitated Collins spat, “If only you had stuck to your goal, you would have definitely become commander-in-chief. You have destroyed your future with your own hands, my boy!”“Sir, I consider it a boon from Allah, peace to be on him, for letting me be an ordinary guard at Netaji’s doors rather than become a commander of the treacherous British army!”
“Stop it, you bustard!” roared Collins. “Netaji, he says…you mean that Bose…driven by ambition, that power-hungry fellow, willing to join hands with the Japs- that Bengali traitor.”
“Collins, Sir, mind what you say,” shot Shah Nawaz. “Had it been anyone else I would have ripped his tongue out. How can you understand what Netaji stands for, what Gandhiji means?”
“Bose must be a magician!”“Yes, indeed he is a wizard. What were we, sir? Soldier’s simpletons who had sworn undying loyalty only to fill our stomachs. Our dreams, what were they? A career, promotion, pay, more pay, a wife, a couple of chubby children, the army club, the mindless parties. We sold our consciences cheap, sir, for the medals on our chests! Did my country figure anywhere on the world map? Once we met Netaji we saw the real contours of the country. Association with him stripped the veil from our eyes and we began to identify with our land, our soil, the very air we breathe!”“Reconsider your decision, son! You are young!”
“Why? Is my youth a disqualification for the noose?”“Don’t be a fool, listen to me. The generosity of the British is boundless like the ocean!”“What are you trying to say?”
“You can still retrieve your career.”
“How ?” Shah Nawaz asked sharply.
“I discussed the matter with the command H.Q. before I came here. You will get back the same job, the same seniority. On your own merit you can still become the Commander-in-Chief, the avenue is still open for you.”Shah Nawaz could not hold back any longer, “Sir,” he asked pointedly, "why this concern?”“Shanno, just agree to become a defense witness. That way, Bose and his mercenaries, and the Japs, will be discredited.”The words pierced Shah Nawaz’s heart, and his mind went into turmoil. He cried out, “Sir, don’t even utter such words. It is only once a while that we encounter a noble soul in our life. And even if his fading shadow falls on us, we will feel enlightened. Perhaps I will become Commander-in-Chief. But what after that? Six feet of earth over me, isn’t it? All the medals and honors from a life time of sycophancy will laugh at my corpse! How can your promise of promotion be compared with the great glory that one gets for being Netaji’s soldier?”Collins was speechless. He sighed, “Son, either I failed as a tutor, or I was unable to understand you fully.”
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Gurbaksh’s old father and wife were waiting outside the barracks, requesting a meeting, he came out. Gurbaksh’s father began, “Arre Bakshi, your elder brother is counting his last days. Your old mother keeps vigil by his bedside day and night. If you are sent to the gallows, what will we do – loosing both our sons – where should we drown ourselves?”
“Bauji, thousands of our companions starved to death in Kaladan valley. Hundreds were washed away by the Sittang River. To gain victory over Bishenpur, so many were sacrificed. Had they no mothers? No sister.”Bauji wiped his eyes and whispered to his son, “An officer from the Lahore Commissioner had come a couple of nights back. My son, some thing can be done even now.”“Like what?”“You can become a major once more.”“That’s all?”“Your family will even get a small jagir in Punjab.”“And what do I have to do for that?" Bakshi asked warily.
“No going to the congress for help, surrender to the Government. Listen to me, son. Heed these white hairs,” Bauji wept as he placed his turban at Bakshi’s feet.
“Bauji, a rock never bleeds. Because I can steel myself when required, Netaji entrusted the reigns of the Nehru Brigade in my hands. Why are you hankering after a jagir? Even if ten such jagirs were offered for free, they would not equal one Netaji. No Bauji, I can never betray Netaji – it is tantamount to betraying myself.”“Beta, don’t obey the British, fine. But will you at least follow our sacred Sikh religion? The Akal Takht is prepared to plead your case in court.”“Bauji, Shah Nawaz received a similar message. Barrister Jinnah and the Muslim League are willing to represent him. If Shah Nawaz fights for the Muslim and I fight for the Sikhs, the who will fight for Netaji’s dream of a mighty, united India? Who will weep for it?”Bauji could not say any thing. Basant looked at Gurbaksh in his tattered clothing. Then she spoke, “In the 1942 movement I led a women’s morcha in Lahor’s Anarkali Bazaar. I was arrested. Bauji suggested that I appologise to the British Govt.”Holding his breath, Bakshi asked, “And?”“I refused. So he shut the door on me.”“Bauji, what is this?”“Beta, I didn’t want it to jeopardize your career, that’s why I asked her to do it, But she turned out to be even tougher than you.”Bakshi broke into a smile to laud her, “Wah Basant, you are the perfect companion of a tiger.”
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Two cars skidded to a halt outside the barracks. Prem saw curiously as his father Accharuram emerged, a judge at the Lahore High Court, from the first one. The judge introduced his son to his companion, “this is Barrister Bhulabhai Desai.”
Bhulabhai exclaimed, “Acchcharuram, I am proud of your son.” He added, “look judge sahib, had Prem not joined the Army, he wouldn’t have been drawn to Subhas.”“Papaji, Netaji’s exhortations come straight from his heart. They were so powerful that even the dead would have been roused.”
Just then a car drove through the main gates of Lal Quila and Nehru stepped out. Slogans of “Chalo Dilli! Chalo Dilli!” And “Netaji Zindabad!” echoed off the fort walls. In the last few days the whole nation was caught in the Azad Hind Fauj wave. It wasn’t a wave- more like a typhoon. Not since the Non-cooperation movement of 1930 had the masses come out to the streets in such large numbers in support of a cause.
Congressmen deliberately refrained from any mention of Subhas Chandra Bose or the Azad Hind Fauj. But, Subhas’s supporters were well aware of the activities of the Azad Hind Fauj thanks to the National Press. They came to the congress rallies and cried out “Jai Hind” and “Chalo Dilli”. When the Congress and the Muslim league realized that the people’s response to the Azad Hind was genuine, they hastened to support it.
Nehru’s Patna rally was particularly notable. After the welcome address of Rajendra Prasad, the audience started shouting slogans. Two Veterans of the Azad Hind Fauj was pushed on to the dais. Nehru looked skeptically at the two scrawny jawans in front of the mike in their tattered khaki uniforms. But the manner in which they stood in their tunics, the way the sinews in their throats stood out as they roared, “Jai Hind!” the fierce pride in their voices as they uttered “Subhas,” “Azadi,” and “Watan,” left Nehru speechless. The two men sang,
Hindu ho ya Musalman, Sikh ya Isai saare,
Maati ke nain such hain, Mata ke hum dulare.
Sabse ooncha hai jhanda hamara
Netaji Zindabad, azad karenge…The audience was left spellbound by these Azad Hind songs. Nehru too was deeply moved, and like a young scout, Nehru moved forward, waving the tricolour, he joined the two men and sang and danced to their songs.
In his heart of hearts, Nehru was worried. Subhas couldn’t possibly be obsessed by power and authority. He had given up his appointment to the prestigious Indian Civil Service as easily as throwing something into the dustbin. He had suffered prison eleven times, and had been battered by lathis. Nehru read his recently published war speeches very carefully. “In this mortal world everything perishes and will perish, but the goals and aspirations are immortal. An individual may die so that the nation can survive. Let me die but let my motherland, Bahrat, live on.” Is it possible to achieve this spirit, this supreme self-sacrifice and total dedication with out a baptism by fire?Nehru entered the visitors’ room. An emotional Nehru addressed Bhulabhai, “For the defense of the Azad Hind I will don the barrister’s robe myself and take the stand.”“Don’t you think it will be a little difficult for you to defend Subhas at this late stage?” Bhulabhai asked eyeing Jawahar quizzically.
“It’s true,” Jawahar mumbled.
“All of us, not just Gandhiji, even you and I, did not loose a single opportunity to humiliate Subhas after the Tripuri Congress,” Bhulabhai said. “Whether we like it or not, Subhas went to the east and shown like a star. He has become a part of History.”Nehru asked that the three prisoners be brought to the visitors’ room. No sooner were they brought in when it seemed as if all the prisoners in the fort had sung in unison.
“Netaji ki jai!”“Nehru Zindabad!”“Lal Qile se ayi awaz Dhillon, Sehgal, Shah Nawaz!”“We will not abandon you at this critical juncture, when the nation is on the path to the freedom. Isn’t it, Bhulabhai?”Prem had been silent all this while but he was unable ro contain himself any longer, “Chachaji,” he said, his voice raising sharply, “all of you are advocates of non-violence. We are Netaji’s warriors. If the Congress Party’s ahimsa image is going to be blackened as a result of our swords, why do you want to enter the fray? Leave us to our fates.”“Don’t get emotional. We will consider you macquis.” said Nehru.
This comment had a remarkable effect. For a moment, the three men did not know who had spoken to them. Netaji? Nehru? So many times they had heard the story of Macquis from Netaji. Every time they were lost on their path was obscured by darkness, Netaji had reminded his compatriots of Garibaldi, Cavour and the macquis. Thus, Prem calmed down.
Nehru stood up to leave. He threw one last look at the trinity, then swallowing the lump on his throat, he said to Bhulabhai, “ I want to use every one of Subhas’s colleagues in the task of nation building. I don’t want to loose them among the millions thronging for freedom.” Nehru left but his warm reassuring words remained behind.
Bhulabhai said to Achcharuram, “Judge sahib, god grant that Nehru’s sentiments endure.” “What?”
“When Jawahar is smitten by an idea, it completely overwhelms him; this doesn’t always mean that those optimistic emotions last very long.”

---

The trial proceedings were to begin on November13th 1945. But, the atmospherewas tense and the case was case was postponed by three weeks. The news spread like a wildfire and thousands began rushing to the Lal Quila.

Lord Wavell, the Governor General was extremely uneasy. It was a crisis situation for the British Govt. who wanted to know what the reactions to this court case were going to be in every corner of the country. On the day of the hearing, a total hartal had been observed not only in cities like Bombay, Calcutta, Madras and Delhi, but even as far as Lido in Assam. Workers, students and government clerks had all boycotted work. Besides, the Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee in Amritsar had donated Rs.7000 to the Azad Hind Bacho Fund. A huge rally of over lakh people was held in Calcutta’s Deshapriya Park to save the Azad Hind Fauj. The municipalities of Pune, Kanpur and Madras had also liberally contributed to it. The tongawalas of Amaravati went around with tins collecting contributions for the Azad Hind. The Muslim League, the Congress and the Communist Party had all joined hands. The law enforcement authorities in Rawalpindi and Karachi had informed them that even in the smaller towns at least fifty thousand people gathered together. One of Wavell’s commanders remarked snidely, “Sir, the situation in Bengal is not good either. There are at least ten thousand students are milling around Wellington Square at any given point of time.”

“I am aware of that,” Wavell replied. “In many cities, there are more Muslims who support Subhas than Barrister Jinnah. But all this must stop at once. We are sitting on a volcano that is about to erupt.”

Bhulabhai spoke, “I consider myself supremely blessed to have the opportunity to argue this case. But I am sad that I was unfortunate enough not to have been in East Asia to see the exceptional figure of Netaji in person."

The Govt. emphatically told the court that the Azad Hind Fauj was a band of rebels. Wagging his finger at the judge, Bhulabhai stated, “Milord, it was not a band of rebels at all. It was the cry for freedom erupting out of thirty-eight crore throats. The Azad Hind had its own government.”

“What Govt.? Did it have even a square inch of the land under its control?”

Bhulabhai summoned Hachiya, who was the Japanese Ambassador in Netaji Subhas Bose’s parallel govt. Looking the judge in the eye Hachiya spoke, “Milord, the Japanese Parliament, the Diet, has accorded recognition to the Azad Hind Fauj. Our govt. had handed over the Andaman and Nicober Islands to Netaji. Not only that, we have even granted them fifty square miles of fertile lands in Ziyawaddy, in Burma. Besides, when the Japanese Army marched into Manipur along with the INA, all the territory we conquered was handed over to Netaji. Our Prime Minister Tojo made this categorical announcement in the Parlianment.”

After Hachiya’s deposition, Bhulabhai once again reminded the court how eight nations including Japan, Germany, Italy, Indo-China and Burma had accorded recognition to the Azad Hind Govt.

He then called in Major General Katakura to the defence box and asked, “You had drawn up the first plan for the Imphal campaign, had you not? Answer just one question. What did you give Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose then?”

“What didn’t we give! Vast sums of money for the army, recognition of his policy. But more than that, fifty thousand Japanese soldiers gave their lives in the Imphal campaign for his sake.”

“Mr.Katakura, what do you mean by ‘for his sake’?” Bhulabhai asked.

“We had planned the Imphal campaign before Netaji arrived in Japan. But the military officials abandoned it, as it would have been impractical and highly expensive.”

“Then why did you revive the plan and march to Imphal?”

“There is only one answer to this complicated question – Subhas Chandra Bose,” declared Katakura. “Netaji’s personality is like that. His fervour, his willingness to undergo any suffering inspired by us. When he met our Prime Minister for the first time at the Imperial Hotel his impassioned plea for India’s freedom moved us all- it seemed as if he was standing at the gates of heaven and arguing his case before Almighty himself.”

Major Fujiwara stood up and spoke. “Netaji’s charisma was his greatest weapon. So although Tojo was compelled to resign as a Prime Minister, assistance to Netaji did not stop.”

At these words, Savda, the Japanese Deputy Minister, Ohata, Hachiya, Katakura and the other delegates rose from their seats and said together, “Netaji taught us what love for one’s Motherland is what one must be prepared to do for that love. That is his legacy.”

As he sat down Bhulabhai looked at the judge and said, “Even I can see how much damage has been caused to the British army and the empire by the establishment of the Indian National Government. If you can cast aside your prejudice and disdain for a moment, you will admit the hollowness of the case.”

An emergency meeting was in progress at the Viceroy’s residence. A messenger arrived with a confidential note “Situation in Frontier is deteriorating. Stall case at once. Province could be lost.” Message from Bombay had already declared that there was dissatisfaction in the navy and it could trigger a riot any moment. Lakhs of people would never budge from the streets of Calcutta; Punjab was smouldering. In many small towns near Madras protest fires were burning. Lord Wavell was desparate. He pounded the table and thundered, “We set up this court room drama to expose that traitor Subhas Chandra Bose and his INA. And now those swords have turned against us! The same Bose whom we wanted to discredit as a traitor, has, in absentia, become a Mahanayak, the great hero to his followers.”

DID NEHRU BETRAY NETAJI, (Extracts from Samar Guha M.P.'s NETAJI - DEAD OR ALIVE?)

There was a time when strong doubts persisted if Netaji was still alive or indeed dead in that airplane accident. The British Intelligence must have had pursued the matter further at Kabul and at Tehran for ascertaining the truth about the report of Netaji's arrival at Moscow and submitted their findings to the GoI. But no report of such follow-up action was placed either before the Shah Nawaz Committee or the Khosla Commission. The Government under Mrs. Gandhi told Khosla Commission that many confidential files of Nehru connected with the reports about Netaji were either missing or destroyed. These files were dealt with by the personal secretary of Pandit Nehru - Mohammad Yunus . These files are still with this man and NOT in the public archives of the GoI. Can anyone believe it?

The British intelligence team informed their Government that Pandit Nehru "received a secret communication from Bose". This report was confirmed by a witness, Shri Shyamlal Jain of Meerut, while he deposed before Khosla Commission. In 1945-46, Shri Jain was working as a confidential steno of Asaf Ali (remember him? The traitor who handed over a ship-load of weapons to Pakistan, purchased by the GoI!) who was Secretary to the INA Defense Committee with Bhulabhai Desai as its Chairman and Pandit Nehru as one of its prominent members. This confidential steno of the INA Defense Committee, in the course of his deposition, made a shocking revelation about Nehru's attitude toward Netaji.

Shri Jain told Khosla Commission:

"I solemnly affirm and state on oath that one evening (the date may be Dec. 26 or 27, 1945) I was called by Shri Jawaharlal Nehru on telephone to come to the residence of Shri Asaf Ali with a typewriter as he had a lot of work to be typed by me, which I complied. After getting some papers typed by me, Shri Jawaharlal Nehru drew out a paper from the pocket of his achkan and asked me to make four copies of it for him. The said paper was a hand-written matter and was somewhat difficult to read. Now, what was written on that paper, I am trying to reproduce from my memory:"
"Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose proceeding by aeroplane from Saigon arrived today, August 23, 1945 at Dairen (Manchuria) at 1:30 afternoon. The said plane was a Japanese bomber plane. It was full of gold in the shape of bars, ornaments and jewelry. Netaji carried two attache cases, one in each hand. On alighting from the plane, Netaji took tea with bananas. When Netaji finished tea, he along with four others, out of which one was a Japanese named General Shidei (and others have lapsed from memory), took their seats in a jeep standing nearby. The said jeep proceeded toward Russian territory. After about 3 hours the said jeep returned and informed the pilot of the plane who flew back to Tokyo."

"After handing over the said paper to me for typing, Shri Jawaharlal Nehru went to Mr. Asaf Ali and remained busy in conversation with him for 10 or 15 minutes...I could not complete the work, because the name of the writer on that letter was not readable, and I kept waiting for Shri Jawaharlal to come and tell me the name. In the meantime, I went through the letter several times and that is all that I could remember to the present day. Shri Jawaharlal could not discern the name of the writer and asked me to pull out the papers and hand them over as they were.

"I solemnly affirm and state on oath that thereafter Shri Jawaharlal Nehru gave me four papers from his writing pad to make four copies of a letter, which he would dictate to me on typewriter, which I also complied. The contents of the letter, as far as I could remember, were as follows:

"To Mr.Clement Attlee,
Prime Minister of Britain,
10 Downing Street, London.

Dear Mr. Attlee:

I understand from a reliable source that Subhas Chandra Bose, your war criminal, has been allowed to enter Russian territory by Stalin. This is a clear treachery ad betrayal of faith by the Russians. As Russia has been an ally of the British-Americans, it should not have been done. Please take note of it and do what you consider proper and fit.

Yours sincerely,
Jawaharlal Nehru."

One has to rub one's eyes many times to read and then to believe what Shri Jain told the Khosla Commission. Can the evidence of Shri Jain be relied upon? It appears as unthinkable that Pandit Nehru could stoop down so low to ask Mr. Attlee to see that "their war criminal Bose" was buried alive in Russia. But from the circumstantial facts the testimony of Jain cannot be discarded as a figment of any ugly imagination.

1. The British Intelligence affirmed that Pandit Nehru received a secret communication from Netaji and Jain confirmed it further without knowing anything about this secret report.
2. Col. Tada, one of the principal architects of Netaji's escape plan confided to S.A. Iyer in 1951 that the Japanese agreed to make necessary arrangements to convey Netaji to Russian territory across the border of Manchuria.
3. Neither the Government Counsel appearing before the Inquiry Commission, nor Mr. Khosla either challenged or refuted the veracity of Jain's testimony.
4. Most of the secret files about Netaji, that were maintained by Pandit Nehru himself as "P.M.'s special" files, one of which included all communications connected with INA Defense Committee, were reported by the Government as "either missing or destroyed". It will not be easy to presume that Netaji's communication to Nehru and a copy of Nehru's letter to Attlee have also been destroyed.
5. Pandit Nehru's attitude toward Netaji completely changed after he met Mountbatten at Singapore in 1946. Late Amritlal Seth, former editor of the Gujarati Daily Janmabhumi, who accompanied Nehru during his visit to Singapore told late Sarat Chandra Bose immediately after his return from Singapore that Panditji was warned by the British Admiral that, according to his report, 'Bose' did not die in the alleged air crash and if Nehru played up too high with the legends of Bose and demands for re-absorption of the INA in the Indian Army, he would be taking the risk of presenting India on a platter to Bose when he reappeared.
6. The report of Amritlal Seth is corroborated by two facts. On arrival at Singapore Pandit Nehru was given a rousing reception by the INA there, when Panditji agreed to their request to place a wreath on the INA Martyr Monument, which was demolished under orders from Mountbatten immediately after British re-occupation of Singapore...Strangely, next day, Nehru refused to attend the INA Martyr Memorial ceremony organized at Singapore. About three decades later, Mountbatten boastfully stated in the 'Nehru Oration' speech that Nehru acted very compliantly on his advice regarding the treatment about the INA.
7. After his return from Singapore, Nehru never uttered a word about Netaji for over a decade even after he became the Prime Minister of India. Till fifties, AIR was instructed not to cover any special talk on Netaji or broadcast any news about Netaji's birthday, exceeding a few minutes. All army barracks were prohibited from displaying any portrait of Netaji and this ban-order continued for years even after withdrawal of the British Power.
8. After coming to power, Pandit Nehru got all the secret British reports which informed the Wavell Government that Bose reached Russia, but as Prime Minister of India he never inquired anything publicly about these reports from the Russian Government.
9. Nehru all along opposed any demand of a full-fledged judicial inquiry about the Netaji mystery and appointed Shah Nawaz Committee mainly for the purpose of scuttling the move for a non-official inquiry about Netaji under the chairmanship of Dr. Radha Benode Pal.
Thus, Nehru's changed attitude lends credence to the testimony of Shyamlal Jain.

Does people like Sardar Har Govind Singh still exsist???

After delivering his Speech in front of a gathering of around 60,000 people on the occasion of Independence day celebration at Rangoon on the 26th January’44, Netaji suddenly looked at the Rose Garland which was presented to him and said, “Friends, I know that the this garland which you have gifted me today will dry up with in a couple of days. But, I also know that the love and affection that you have for me in your heart will never dry up. If we see this as a mare garland then we all know that this will no value once it dries. But, if we take this garland as a memento of our struggle for freedom then this becomes price less. So, today I want you all to bid for the same. The money we collect form this will be the first donation for the treasury of Azad Hind Rangoon. Now tell me, what price are you ready to pay for this garland.?”

“Netaji main kharidunga aap ka ye mala, main ek lakh doller dene ko taiyaar hun!!!”

Very soon the bided price for the garland raised to $7 Lakhs, and the last bid was placed by Brijlal Jaiswal, a business rival of Har Govind Singh, and as Netaji was about to announce him as the winner, Govind Singh came to the Dias a sat down at Netaji’s feet and said:“Netaji aap se mera ek aarz hai, Singapore me mere do makan hain, apna garage me aath(8) truck hain, aur bankok main bhi 3-4 lakh doller honge. Kul mila kar 7 lakh doller ho sakta hai. Ye sab main abhi Aazad Hind ke naam likh deta hun; eske badle maherbani karke sirf ye mala mujh ko de dijiye.”

Brijlal objected, “ye na mumkin hai, nilam me jo sabse jada dar denge, mala to unko hi milna chahiye Netaji.”

Netaji intervened and said, “ aap ka baat thik hai brijlalji, magar duniya main paise se bhi kuch chizen bare hote hain; wo hai aadmi ka dil. Aur aaj ye mala paison se nahi , Har Gobindji ne esko kharid liya hai sirf dil ki kimat se.”

Netaji walked towards Govind and was garland him when Goving shouted “ye aap kya kar rahe hai Netaji. Ye aap ke gale ka mala hai, ye mala main apne gale me kaise daloon! Ye mala aap mere haath me dijiye.”

That day Sardar Har Govind Singh donated his entire savings to buy a garland. At that time he also knew that there won’t be any freshness and fragrance left in the garland the next morning. But, then the memories are eternal and any one present can never forget this incident, nor can it be deleted from the pages of history.

Later on Govind joined the INA with a hope of serving Netaji forever.

CIA TRACKS SUBHAS BOSE TILL 1964

The 56 years that Subhas Chandra Bose has been 'dead' have outnumbered his official 'living' years.

And just before you think it is about time the nation got over it, here's something that just won't let Bose's 'death' on August 18, 1945 sink in.

Declassified documents show that even in 1964, at the level of US Secretary of State, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had reservations about Subhas Bose's death and was mulling over the possibility that Bose might return to his homeland.

The CIA had not been talking of some sort of a resurrection. It simply never believed that Bose died in Taiwan.

In its incarnation as Office of Strategic Service (OSS), it had been keeping a close watch on Bose's daring moves after his great escape from Calcutta in 1941.

A memorandum to the State Department on July 1946, almost a year after Bose's 'death', states that "a search of our files indicates that there is no information available regarding subject's (Bose's) death that would shed any light on the reliability of the reports mentioned in the reference inquiry to the State Department".

Earlier, in May 1946, an airgram to the Secretary of State dwelt on the impact of Subhas Bose's return to India. The agent, whose name has been blacked out along with other vital details, writes that someone approached him "several days ago on the question of Subhas Chandra Bose. ... (censored) ... said that the hold which Bose had over the Indian imagination was tremendous and that if he should return to the country trouble would result which in his judgement would be extremely difficult to quell."

"According to ... (censored) ... it should be reasonably easy to establish beyond the shadow of a doubt whether Bose is dead or alive."

Originating in Bombay, the airgram was received in Washington D C on June 3, 1946, at 2.13 pm. It concludes saying: "If the (State) Department could furnish any information on this subject (Bose's death), it would be most helpful to this Consulate General ... (censored) ... positive proof of some kind that Bose is dead would be most interesting."

However, it is the documents of the 1964 vintage that are most astonishing. That the CIA should even discuss Subhas' 'return' in the 20th year of his 'death' is quite astonishing. Dated February 27, 1964 and heavily censored, this particular document just about manages to import the crux of the matter.

It is a memorandum for "Chief, ... (censored) ..." and the sender is Deputy Director of Security. The subject has been blacked out but Subhas Bose's name appears in ink. The document reads as follows:
1. Reference is made to your telephonic request of 19 February 1964 that the Subject be interviewed by a representative of this office.
2. Attached is the report of the interview conducted on 27 February 1964 at Washington D C. No further action will be taken in this matter unless requested by you.

The document carries the following attachments:

"At Washington D C :

On February 26, 1964 at approximately 1345 hours, ...(censored)...was interviewed...(censored)...? ...(censored)... relate a story concerning the possible return of one Subas (or Subhas) Chandra Bose. This individual is a former deposed president of the Indian National Congress, 1938-39, and is believed to have died in an airplane crash after the war. However, there now exists a strong possibility that BOSE is leading the religious group undermining the current Nehru Government."

"Subject desired that his story be presented to the proper persons in the agency for evaluation and to alert those concerned of the previously mentioned possibility. Subject also advised the [sic]...(censored)... was a former member of the British Counter Intelligence Corps and could provide some factual information regarding BOSE and his operations with the Indian National Army during World War II.

"SUBJECT was dressed neatly in a designer suit and his conversation were intelligent. He did not appear to be alarmed or emotional about his story and was merely offering it as a guide to the Central Intelligence Agency for whatever action they deemed advisable".

The ideological development that Bose sought has never materialised...

Like Turkey's Kemal Ataturk - a man he admired - Bose might well have produced a nation at once new, yet full of old virtues. This is best illustrated in his approach to women: he was not one for making strident feminist statements but, even on that submarine bringing him from Germany to Japan, he was busily telling Abid Hasan of the need to get Indian women to join the I.N.A., and how they would have to abandon their beloved sarees in order to do so. In south Asia he did get many immigrant women to join the I.N.A. - demonstrating that Indian feminism could be happily blended with the exigency of war.
The ideological development that Bose sought has never materialised. Like all national-liberation movements, the independent Congress was a coalition: of business seeking to oust British capital, of rural kulaks confident that native rulers would do more for them than alien ones, of various interest groups and of socialists aware that the Congress was the only party capable of furthering their ideas. Gandhi did suggest that the Congress should disband after independence, but this was clearly impossible: self-interest, if nothing else, ruled it out. Today almost all the major political groups in India- communists, socialists, free-enterprise capitalists, Gandhian socialists - trace their ancestry to the Congress: only the right-wing Hindu Jan Sangh can claim a different parentage.
Though he bravely maintained his independence from both the Germans and the Japanese - no mean feat - he deliberately avoided the wider implications of their awful philosophies. However, his argument that foreign help was required in order to drive the British out was justified by the events of 1945-6, and has been the bedrock of nearly all successful national-liberation movements since the. In this, at least, Bose was probably far ahead of his time. In our age, when a national-liberation movement's accepting foreign help from all and sundry is a common fact of life, the idea may seem of no great significance. In the early forties, for a subject non-white race even to think of any such thing was revolutionary indeed.
....'It is our duty,' Bose told his I.N.A., 'to pay for our liberty with our own blood. The freedom that we shall win through our sacrifice and exertions, we shall be able to preserve with our own strength.' ....."

Had Bose returned to India....

Had Bose returned to India after the war he might well have prevented the tragedy. He was not a tired politician ready to accept office under any terms. Although his uncompromising hostility to Jinnah and Pakistan might have led to a civil war, the cost of that could not have been greater than the senseless waste of partition.

Certainly Bose's often repeated warning that the Congress would pay dearly for the acceptance of 'office mentality' was historically acute. It came when in the late thirties the Congress was struggling to cope with the consequences of the 1935 Government of India Act, and the blandishments it offered. In the 1936 elections, the Congress reaped the rewards of nearly two decades of unceasing mass struggle against the British and totally vanquished the Muslim League.

But by 1945, after a decade of negotiations and some power-sharing with the British, the Congress was reduced to the level of the Muslim League; just another group, albeit powerful, seeking the rewards of office. And by placing such faith in the negotiating chamber the Congress had played into the hands of Jinnah, the master lawyer and negotiator. As Bose had foreseen, the Congress had thrown away the trump card of its power - mass struggle - for the dubious delights of the round table.

But could Indians have lived with Bose? An extreme man, he produced extreme reactions: total adulation or permanent rejection. Certainly the India of Bose would have been very different from the India of Nehru. Bose had often said that India needed at least twenty years of iron dictatorial rule, and he would most certainly have rejected the type of parliamentary democracy that has developed. This opens up the whole question of whether it is better for people to have food or to have freedom to change their political rulers every five years. The argument can never be resolved - though, given the recent adulation of the West for China, some of the oldest democracies in the world seem to think food is more important.

Surely Bose's rule would have degenerated into autocracy, like that of Mrs Gandhi between 1975 and 1977? Though the analogy is not quite accurate (Mrs Gandhi's rule degenerated long before the events of June 1975), for conclusive evidence Bose's critics point to his behaviour in Germany and with the Japanese during the war. In a climate that brooked no dissent and where the leader was always right, he too came to believe that he could do no wrong.

Part of the possible reason for this change of personality - if there was a change - may lie in the fact that at that stage, particularly in south-east Asia, he found himself a king without any worthwhile courtiers. The people who surrounded him there were political innocents, thrust into the wider world by events beyond their control: they could only applaud never interject. Bose was, as the official Japanese history puts it, 'a bright mornings star amidst them'. There is also evidence to suggest that Subhas Bose was not quite the dictator a simple reading of his speeches makes him out to be.

No doubt there was an authoritarian streak in him, but his actions often belied his dictatorial postures. in 1939, as Congress president, he behaved - against Gandhi's wishes - less like an autocrat and more like a negotiator who had won one round and expected to reap some benefit from it. Throughout his political career he was always loyal to colleagues even at the risk of damaging his own chances: hardly the mark of a man of iron.

Almost alone among Indian leaders, Bose offered solutions that were both visionary and practical. Nehru's socialism may have been more rounded; rigorously logical and free of Bose's celebrated eclecticism. But its strain of romanticism divorced it from the realities of India, and the Nehru years resulted, almost inevitably, in a country with the most progressive socialist legislation outside the Soviet bloc which happily allowed the most unbridled capitalism to grow and flourish on a feudal structure that had changed little, if at all, since the British days. The cynicism this produced has bitten so deep that every government since has had to struggle against it and no combination in Indian politics looks likely to counteract the years of wasted opportunities and lost hopes.

This may seem hard, given the undoubted economic progress India has made in the last thirty years. When the British left, India had little or no industrial capacity; now she is the tenth industrial power in the world, exporting machinery to the West and capable of producing her own nuclear weapons. But the rapid industrialisation has been uneven and ill-directed, with the beneficiaries limited to a small, if growing, sector of the country.

Bose had the capacity to inspire total love and dedication, and produce gold from dross. Many hated him, but those he 'touched' loved him with an almost overpowering sense of completeness. And this, combined with his rigorous, matter-of-fact manner and an instinctive feel for ancient Indian loyalties, might well have produced the revolution that India needed - and still lacks.

Netaji Subhas and the Mahatma" by Prafull Goradia, The Pioneer, Jan23, 2004

On Netaji Subhas's birth anniversary, it would be worthwhile to compare his role in the freedom struggle with that of Mahatma Gandhi. Their equation was essentially adversarial. British author Michael Brecher has criticised the practitioner of satyagraha for having pushed out the exponent of freedom by any means. To quote: Of all the participants only Gandhi had a clear and consistent object - to oust Bose. (Nehru: A Political Biography, page 245). Historian Michael Edwardes wrote that Gandhi, whom so many in India and abroad believed to be only sweetness and light, had by the use of his overwhelming prestige and the sort of intrigue one would expect from the Tammany Hall, succeeded in disposing of the only real opposition to his leadership. (The Last Years of British India, page 67).

Bose's radical agenda did not suit Gandhi who opposed him for seeking re-election as president of the Congress in 1939. Nevertheless, in the polls that followed, Gandhi's candidate, Dr Pattabhi Sitaramayya, was defeated. The Mahatma could not stomach his candidate's defeat. In his book, The Springing Tiger, historian Hugh Toye has written: Bose's popular mandate as president of the Congress in 1939 was denied by intrigue, intrigue not only against him but against the very democracy which had elected him.

There is no doubt that but for Gandhi the masses of India might not have become aware, for many more years, about the importance of independence.....

However, Gandhi's contribution in precipitating the British departure was very limited....Gandhi himself was not in any undue hurry....On the other hand, the impact of the Indian National Army, or the Azad Hind Fauj, founded and led by Bose, had a telling effect on the psyche of the British rulers....

Netaji Subhas's action thus hit the Achilles' heel of the foreign rulers. They took it as a clear message that it was time to pack their bags and go. So then, Gandhi awakened the Indian masses to the value of being free and stirred their souls to depend Independence. But it was Netaji Bose who precipitated the British departure. This achievement of the springing tiger has not enjoyed the highlight it deserves....

Thus, that it was the Mahatma's satyagraha/ahimsa that won us Independence can certainly be questioned as being a myth. It was Netaji's militancy and influence over the Indian civilian and military machinery and the Navy revolt in Mumbai in 1946 that really shook the British. Yet the myth of a mealy-mouthed non-violence is a myth zealously fostered by the Nehruvian dispensation. As Goradia continues, "Nehru made it his party's as well as Government's policy to underplay the legend of Netaji".

It wasn't just Gandhi and Nehru. "The communists had lampooned Netaji in the most unpalatable terms...during the freedom movement. Later, they acknowledged their `historical blunder'. On the last Netaji anniversary, Mr Bhattacharya asked historians to `give Netaji his proper due in the freedom movement of India"

The Mystery behind Netaji's Disappearance by Shamoli Mitra

For decades Indians all over the country have mulled and argued over a mystery that till today maintains its grip over the collective consciousness of the nation. The question that comes up again and again in the minds of Indians is this - Did Netaji really die in the 1945 plane crash? But shocking new developments over the past few months have propelled this question into ever more mysterious realms. Incredibly hard facts have now emerged from Moscow vaults that indicate what Indians had hoped for and suspected all along - that our beloved Netaji , Subhash Chandra Bose did NOT die in the 1945 plane crash as the Government of India appointed inquiry has claimed all along. Netaji was in fact very much alive till at least 1946 one full year after his supposed "death".

So what do these tumultuous revelations mean? The new findings are based on declassified documents in the Russian military archives in Paddolsk, and from the British archives. They were discovered by three researchers-Purabi Ray, Hari Vasudevan and Shobanlal Dutta Gupta-working on the history of communist movement in India.

The plot has thickened even deeper with the admission by these researchers that they have been receiving threatening calls from unidentified persons asking them to suspend all further inquiries and end the government-funded research. Fear for security led the work on the project to be stopped shortly, around the middle of this year. The researchers refused to speak to the press on the grounds that they would first have to depose their discoveries before the Mukherjee commission, the third inquiry panel appointed by the Indian government so far) before giving out any details.

What is clear however is that the Russian archives had yielded two precious documents. The first concerned a discussion that Joseph Stalin had with his defense minister Voroschilov and foreign affairs minister Molotov in 1946.

The second was a report filed by a Soviet field agent stationed in India, also in 1946.The first document quotes Stalin and others discussing plans for the communist movement in India and mentions the role of Bose. In addition records available from British archives (under the 'declassification after 30 years' rule) show that on August 17, 1945, (the plane crash was reported the next day), Bose had expressed a keen desire to reach Soviet Union to continue the struggle against the British. One more British archive document also states that the entire theory of the plane crash, in Taihuku (Japan), was pre-planned and contrived. In fact as late as December 20, 1945 , a Japanese newspaper even reported that Bose was on his way to the Soviet Union and passed through Tokyo.

Adding to the clouds of confusion are the details indicating that just a few days before Stalin and his colleagues discussed Bose, a Soviet agent named V G Sayadyants who was based in Mumbai reported home that "the Soviet Union cannot possibly work with either Nehru or Gandhi," and that the Communist movement in India "is in a disarray." He also concluded that "Bose is the only hope for Soviet Russia," in his report.

The two death reports-one from MI2 (a wing of British military intelligence) and the other from the British embassy in Japan served as the primary evidence of the story that Bose had died of severe burns in the plane crash. But both of these reports have been discovered to contain major discrepancies. While the British embassy report claimed to have clearly identified Bose's body, the MI2 report was "not sure."

On November 23, the Mukherjee Commission held a hearing where the researchers including Professor Purobi Roy were asked to submit a list of documents and with their respective translations before the Commission. But in a puzzling development the Commission disclosed that the Union Home Ministry by an affidavit claimed privilege under the Sections 123 and 124 of the Evidence Act and Article 74(2) of the Constitution of India on the files. Justice Manoj K. Mukherjee told reporters that "The files on the urn allegedly containing Netaji's ashes in Renkoji Temple and the Union Government's decision to award Bose the Bharat Ratna, could not be given to the Commission on grounds that making them public would be a threat to the nation's security!".

Justice Mukherjee also made the surprising observation that "We will take up the issue during the next hearing if the Union Home Ministry can claim privilege on these files. I don't say they are not doing anything, but whatever they are doing is not adequate". When asked if this indicated an uncertain future for the Commission, Justice Mukherjee shot back saying: ''It's not for me to pass comments." Earlier Justice Mukherjee had informed the audience that the Special Branch of the Calcutta Police had sent incorrect information regarding the files it was asked to submit.

A status report circulated among the audience said that the Prime Minister's Office sought 15 more days time to file a consolidated affidavit covering all the points mentioned in the proceedings of the Commission. The status report also noted that no affidavit has been filed on behalf of the Cabinet Secretariat, the National Archives of India, and Research and Analysis Wing. However, among other documents, the National Archives of India informed the Commission in a letter dated 24.10.2000 that they had received 46 xerox pages on Subhash Chandra Bose from the department of Culture, Government of India, though the Embassy of India in Moscow on 15 May1991.

One is forced to ask what is about the Netaji files that is causing the government to cite endangerment of the nation's security as an excuse to stop the documents from becoming public. Could the BJP government be feeling the heat to hide the details of what really happened to Netaj1? There is no doubt plenty of resistance from the Congress which does not want the nation to know Jawaharlal Nehru's actions and role in betraying Netaji.

The previous two Commissions that were supposed to unearth the details about Netaji were both appointed by the Congress government. These were the Shah Nawaz Committee or the Khosla Commission. The Government under Mrs. Gandhi told Khosla Commission that many confidential files of Nehru connected with the reports about Netaji were either missing or destroyed. These files were dealt with by the personal secretary of Pandit Nehru - Mohammad Yunus .

It had also been discovered that the British intelligence team informed their Government that Pandit Nehru had "received a secret communication from Bose". This report was confirmed by a witness, Shri Shyamlal Jain of Meerut, while he deposed before Khosla Commission. In 1945-46, Shri Jain was working as a confidential steno of Asaf Ali who was Secretary to the INA Defense Committee with Bhulabhai Desai as its Chairman and Pandit Nehru as one of its prominent members. This confidential steno of the INA Defense Committee, in the course of his deposition, made a shocking revelation about Nehru's attitude toward Netaji.

Shri Jain had told the Khosla Commission:

"I solemnly affirm and state on oath that one evening (the date may be Dec. 26 or 27, 1945) I was called by Shri Jawaharlal Nehru on telephone to come to the residence of Shri Asaf Ali with a typewriter as he had a lot of work to be typed by me, which I complied. After getting some papers typed by me, Shri Jawaharlal Nehru drew out a paper from the pocket of his achkan and asked me to make four copies of it for him. The said paper was a hand-written matter and was somewhat difficult to read. Now, what was written on that paper, I am trying to reproduce from my memory:"

"Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose proceeding by aeroplane from Saigon arrived today, August 23, 1945 at Dairen (Manchuria) at 1:30 afternoon. The said plane was a Japanese bomber plane. It was full of gold in the shape of bars, ornaments and jewelry. Netaji carried two attache cases, one in each hand. On alighting from the plane, Netaji took tea with bananas. When Netaji finished tea, he along with four others, out of which one was a Japanese named General Shidei (and others have lapsed from memory), took their seats in a jeep standing nearby. The said jeep proceeded toward Russian territory. After about 3 hours the said jeep returned and informed the pilot of the plane who flew back to Tokyo."

"After handing over the said paper to me for typing, Shri Jawaharlal Nehru went to Mr. Asaf Ali and remained busy in conversation with him for 10 or 15 minutes...I could not complete the work, because the name of the writer on that letter was not readable, and I kept waiting for Shri Jawaharlal to come and tell me the name. In the meantime, I went through the letter several times and that is all that I could remember to the present day. Shri Jawaharlal could not discern the name of the writer and asked me to pull out the papers and hand them over as they were."I solemnly affirm and state on oath that thereafter Shri Jawaharlal Nehru gave me four papers from his writing pad to make four copies of a letter, which he would dictate to me on typewriter, which I also complied. The contents of the letter, as far as I could remember, were as follows:

Dear Mr. Attlee:

I understand from a reliable source that Subhas Chandra Bose, your war criminal, has been allowed to enter Russian territory by Stalin. This is a clear treachery and betrayal of faith by the Russians. As Russia has been an ally of the British-Americans, it should not have been done. Please take note of it and do what you consider proper and fit.

Yours sincerely,
Jawaharlal Nehru.

When these shocking revelations were revealed by MP Samar Guha, they were met with incredulity and anger and Mr. Guha had been lambasted as a hysterical conspiracy theorist who was on a witch hunt against the Gandhi family. But now we see that subsequent discoveries have buttressed Mr. Guha's accusations and point to the shocking role of Pandit Nehru in this sordid mess. Below are some of the hard-hitting revelations by Mr. Guha which are now clearly augmented by documentary evidence.

1)British Intelligence affirmed that Pandit Nehru received a secret communication from Netaji and Jain confirmed it further without knowing anything about this secret report.

2)Col. Tada, one of the principal architects of Netaji's escape plan confided to S.A. Iyer in 1951 that the Japanese agreed to make necessary arrangements to convey Netaji to Russian territory across the border of Manchuria.

3)Neither the Government Counsel appearing before the Inquiry Commission, nor Mr. Khosla either challenged or refuted the veracity of Jain's testimony.

4)Most of the secret files about Netaji, that were maintained by Pandit Nehru himself as "P.M.'s special" files, one of which included all communications connected with INA Defense Committee, were reported by the Government as "either missing or destroyed". It will not be easy to presume that Netaji's communication to Nehru and a copy of Nehru's letter to Attlee have also been destroyed.

5)Late Amritlal Seth, former editor of the Gujarati Daily Janmabhumi, who accompanied Nehru during his visit to Singapore told late Sarat Chandra Bose immediately after his return from Singapore that Panditji was warned by the British Admiral that, according to his report, 'Bose' did not die in the alleged air crash and if Nehru played up too high with the legends of Bose and demands for re-absorption of the INA in the Indian Army, he would be taking the risk of presenting India on a platter to Bose when he reappeared.

The report by Amritlal Seth is corroborated by two facts. On arrival at Singapore Pandit Nehru was given a rousing reception by the INA there, when Panditji agreed to their request to place a wreath on the INA Martyr Monument, which was demolished under orders from Mountbatten immediately after British re-occupation of Singapore.

Strangely, next day, Nehru refused to attend the INA Martyr Memorial ceremony organized at Singapore. About three decades later, Mountbatten boastfully stated in the 'Nehru Oration' speech that Nehru acted very compliantly on his advice regarding the treatment about the INA. After his return from Singapore, Nehru never uttered a word about Netaji for over a decade even after he became the Prime Minister of India.

6)Till the 1950's, AIR was instructed not to cover any special talk on Netaji or broadcast any news about Netaji's birthday, exceeding a few minutes. All army barracks were prohibited from displaying any portrait of Netaji and this ban-order continued for years even after withdrawal of the British Power.

7)After coming to power, Pandit Nehru had received all the secret British reports which informed the Wavell Government that Bose reached Russia, but as Prime Minister of India he never inquired publicly about these reports from the Russian Government. Even more suspicious is the fact that Pandit Nehru consistently opposed any demands for full-fledged judicial inquiry about the Netaji mystery and appointed the Shah Nawaz Committee primarily as a smokescreen to scuttle the move for a non-official inquiry about Netaji under the chairmanship of Dr. Radha Benode Pal.

This incredible and shocking conspiracy to hide the circumstances and conditions surrounding Netaji's disappearance and the subsequent falsified rumour of his death are of significant importance to the Indian people. The annals of Indian history and the conscience of the nation demands that the facts concerning this mystery be revealed to the public. The BJP government must show the courage and fortitude to overcome political compulsions and point the finger at the real culprits. Only then can the ghost of lost opportunities and the regret of having lost their most beloved leader too soon, be put to rest in the minds of the Indian people.

The Joint Petition to the Prime Minister

Dear fellow Indian

You are requested to show your solidarity with an effort to aid the inquiry into the fate of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. Kindly consider the following with an open mind:

It has been 60 years since Netaji was reported killed following an air crash in Taipei, Taiwan. Since then, a torturous debate has been gnawing at the conscience of grateful Indians. Intelligence records show that under the ruse of a faked air crash, Netaji may have escaped to the then Soviet Union. And that this may have been known to top Indian leaders of that era. You would have heard many fanciful as well as dreadful stories. It has been alleged that Netaji died in a hideous Siberian camp in the 1950s. God forbid that should be true. The truth, whatever it is, must be found out.

Now it has come to the crunch. In a few months from now, the report of the Honourable Justice MK Mukherjee Commission of Inquiry will be out. Set up after a Court order, this Commission has, against all odds, found out from the Taiwan Government that there is no evidence of the alleged air crash in Taipei, Netaji's death and the cremation of either his body or of those who are said to have died following the said crash on August 18, 1945.

On the basis of further evidence they have unearthed, the Commission has asked the Government of India to arrange for their visit to Russia from 20th July 2005. However, the Commission cannot conduct proper inquires in Russia without the full backing of the Indian Government, which for unknown reasons, has been hostile towards all attempts to ascertain facts about Netaji's fate. The Commission intends to examine some Russian witnesses and also sift through intelligence and security related records concerning Netaji. Full access to such records cannot be given to the Commission unless a formal request to that effect is made by the Government of India to their Russian counterpart. The key to resolving the Netaji mystery lies with our own Government.

Considering the fact that the mystery is 60 years old and many contemporaries and witnesses have since passed away, this could well be the last chance to get to the bottom of the matter. History will not forgive our generation if we squander this golden opportunity to investigate the fate of a sterling patriot, who crisscrossed the globe like a colossus during the Second World War, so that we can breathe the air of a free India today.

It is therefore most urgent that Dr Manmohan Singh, the Honourable Prime Minister of India, publicly requests His Excellency Vladimir Putin, the Honourable President of Russia, to make known his Government's knowledge whether or not Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was alive after 18 August 1945.

If you support the demand that our Prime Minister should take this step in national interest, then please forward this mail to as many people as possible. You may also want to sign an online petition.

Jai Hind
(Issued in public interest by journalist and author Anuj Dhar in association with other members of the Yahoo group on Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.)

Why the Petition

We all know that JL Nehru, Shah Nawaz Khan, GD Khosla has been advocating the fact that Netaji died in a plane crash in Taipei on 18 August 1945 and that his ashes were lying in Renkoji temple. And time and again the Indian Prime Ministers have been visiting the Renkoji temple to pay their respects. The marathon debate on the Lok Sabha on the 28th of August'1978 culminated with the then Prime Minister Morarji Desai's rejection of both the reports, he said "The Shah Nawaz Committee and the Khosla Commission held the report of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose's death following a plane crash as true. Since then, reasonable doubts have been cast on the correctness in the two reports and the various important contradictions in the testimony of the witnesses have been noticed. Some further contemporary official documentary records have also been available. In the light of those doubts and contradictions and those records, the govt. finds it difficult to accept that the earlier conclusions are decisive."

So we know that there is no evidence of any plane carrying Netaji crashing in or around Taipei on or around August 1945. ( In an email written to to Anuj Dhar in 2003, the writer of Back from Dead ,the Mayor of Taipei Dr.Ying Jo Ma wrote "According to the historical documents in Taipei city archives, there is no such record of a plane crash in Taipei on that day." and according to the MOTC (Ministry of Transportation and Communication) Minister, Lin Ling-San " A thorough analysis of the records left by the Japanese showed that there had been only one major crash during that period. An American C-47 transportercarrying about 26 released POWs had crashed near Mount Trident in taitung area around 200 nautical miles away form Taipai, that was in September 1945. There was no evidence to show that any plane carrying Netaji had ever crashed in or around Taipei between 14th August and 25th October of 1945" ).

Still as per a note in a "Top Secret" PM Secretariat (PMO of Nehru days) file, which was sent to the Mukherjee Commission by mistake, "the ashes and other remains" of Netaji were received in India in 1954 and why people of India, the inquiry panels and Netaji family were not told of this?

Also , since the fall of the Soviet Russia, the Russians themselves have been saying that Netaji was in Russia after his "death". The Commission wants to visit Russia to verify facts.

Any guesses why the Government wouldn't allow Mukherjee Commission to visit Russia? They were also opposed to his visiting Taiwan as well! And, why is that no DNA test could be carried on the Renkoji ashes despite Justice Mukherjee's asking for it years?