The following excerpts have been taken from Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s book, “The Indian Struggle 1920-1942” published by Oxford University Press.

On Mahatma Gandhi.

Though Hindu society has never had an established church like Europe, the mass of the people have been profoundly susceptible to the influence of Avatars. Priests and ‘gurus’. The spiritual man has always wielded the largest influence in India and he is called a ‘Saint’ or ‘Mahatma’ or ‘Sadhu’. For various reasons, Gandhiji came to be looked upon by the mass of the people as a Mahatma before he became the undisputed political leader of India. At the Nagpur Congress in December 1920, Mr. M.A.Jinnah, who was till then a Nationalist leader, addressed him as ‘Mr. Gandhi’, and he was shouted down by thousands of people who insisted that he should address him as ‘Mahatma Gandhi’. The asceticism of Gandhiji, his simple life, his vegetarian diet, his adherence to truth and his consequent fearlessness-all combined to give him a halo of saintliness. His loin-cloth was reminiscent of Christ, while his sitting posture at the time of lecturing was reminiscent of Buddha. Now all this was a tremendous asset to the Mahatma in compelling the attention and obedience of his countrymen. As we have already seen, a large and influential section of the intelligentsia was against him, but this opposition was gradually worn down through the enthusiastic support given by the masses. Consciously or unconsciously, the Mahatma fully exploited the mass psychology of the people, just as Lenin did the same thing in Russia, Mussolini in Italy and Hitler in Germany. But in doing so, the Mahatma was using a weapon which was sure to recoil on his head. He was exploiting many of the weak traits in the character of his countrymen which had accounted for India’s downfall to a large extent. After all, what has brought about India’s downfall in the material and political sphere? It is her inordinate belief in fate and in the supernatural, her indifference to modern scientific development, her backwardness in the science of modern warfare, the peaceful contentment engendered by her latter-day philosophy and adherence to Ahimsa (non-violence) carried to the most absurd length. In 1920, when the Congress began to preach the political doctrine of non-co-operation, a large number of Congressmen, who had accepted the Mahatma not merely as a political leader but also as a religious preceptor, began to preach the cult of the new Messiah. As a consequence, many people gave up eating fish and meat, took the same dress as the Mahatma, adopted his daily habits like morning and evening prayer and began to talk more of spiritual freedom than of political Swaraj. In some parts of the country the Mahatma began to be worshipped as an Avatar. Such was the madness that seized the country at the time that in April 1923 in a politically-minded province like Bengal, a resolution moved at the Jessore Provincial Conference to the effect that the goal of the Congress was not spiritual Swaraj but political Swaraj was defeated at the end of a heated debate.

The role which a man plays in history depends partly on his physical and mental equipment, and partly on the environment and the needs of times in which he is born. There is something in Mahatma Gandhi, which appeals to the mass of the Indian people. Born in another country he might have been a complete misfit. What, for instance, would he have done in a country like Russia or Germany or Italy? His doctrine of non-violence would have led him to the cross or to the mental hospital. In India it is different. His simple life, his vegetarian diet, his goat’s milk, his day of silence every week, his habit of squatting on the floor instead of sitting on a chair, his loin-cloth, in fact, everything connected with him has marked him out as one of the eccentric Mahatmas of old and has brought him nearer to his people. Wherever he may go, even the poorest of the poor feels that he is a product of the Indian soil-bone of his bone, flesh of his flesh. When the Mahatma speaks, he does so in a language that they comprehend, not in the language Sir Surendra Nath Banerji would have done, but in that of the Bhagavad-Gita and the Ramayana.

When he talks to them about Swaraj, he does not dilate on the virtues of provincial autonomy or federation, he reminds them of the glories of Ramarajya (the kingdom of King Rama of old) and they understand. And when he talks of conquering through love and ahimsa (non-violence), they are reminded of Buddha and Mahavira and they accept him.

But the conformity of the Mahatma’s physical and mental equipment in the traditions and temperament of the Indian people is but one factor accounting for the former’s success. If he had been born in another epoch in Indian history, he might not have been able to distinguish himself so well. For instance, what would he have done at the time of the Revolution of 1857 when the people had arms and were able to fight and wanted a leader who could lead them in battle? The success of the Mahatma has been due to the failure of constitutionalism on the one side and armed revolution on the other. Since the eighties of the last century, the best political brains among the Indian people were engaged in a constitutional fight, in which the qualities most essential were skill in debate and eloquence in speech. In such an environment it is unlikely that the Mahatma would have attained much eminence. With the dawn of the present century people began to lose faith in constitutional methods. New weapons like Swadeshi (revival of national industry) and Boycott appeared, and simultaneously the revolutionary movement was born. As the years rolled by, the revolutionary movement began to gain ground (especially in Upper India) and during the Great War there was an attempt at a revolution. The failure of this attempt at a time when Britain had her hands full and the tragic events of 1919 convinced the Indian people that it was no use trying to resort to the method of physical force. The superior equipment of Britain would easily smash any such attempt and in its wake there would come indescribable misery and humiliation.

In 1920 India stood at the cross-road. Constitutionalism was dead, armed revolution was sheer madness. But silent acquiescence was impossible. The country was groping for a new method and looking for a new leader. Then there sprang up India’s man of destiny-Mahatma Gandhi-who had been bidding his time all these years and quietly preparing himself for the great task ahead of him. He knew himself, he knew his country’s needs and he knew also that during the next phase of India’s struggle, the crown of leadership would be on his head. No false sense of modesty troubled him, he spoke with a firm voice and the people obeyed.

The Indian National Congress of today is largely his creation. The Congress Constitution is his handiwork. From a talking body he has converted the Congress into a living and fighting organization. It has its ramification in every town and village in India, and the entire nation has been trained to listen to one voice. Nobility of character and capacity to suffer have been made the essential tests of leadership, and the Congress is today the largest and the most representative political organization in the country.

But how could he achieve so much within this short period? By his single-hearted devotion, his relentless will and his indefatigable labour. Moreover, the time was auspicious and his policy prudent. Though he appeared as a dynamic force, he was not too revolutionary for the majority of his countrymen. If he had been so, he would have frightened them, instead of inspiring them; repelled them, instead of drawing them. His policy was one of unification. He wanted to unite Hindu and Moslem; the high caste and the low caste; the capitalist and the labourer; the landlord and the peasant. By this humanitarian outlook and his freedom from hatred, he was able to rouse sympathy even in his enemy’s camp.

But Swaraj is still a distant dream. Instead of one, the people have waited for fourteen long years. And they will have to wait many more. With such purity of character and with such an unprecedented following, why has the Mahatma failed to liberate India?
He has failed because the strength of a leader depends not on the largeness, but on the character of one’s following. With a much smaller following, other leaders have been able to liberate their country, while the Mahatma with a much larger following has not. He has failed, because while he has understood the character of his own people, he has not understood the character of his opponents. The logic of the Mahatma is not the logic which appeals to John Bull. He has failed because his policy of putting all his cards on the table will not do. We have to render unto Caesar what is Caesar’s and in a political fight, the art of diplomacy cannot be dispensed with. He has failed, because he has not made use of the international weapon. If we desire to win our freedom through non-violence, diplomacy and international propaganda are essential. He has failed, because the false unity of interests, that are inherently opposed, is not a source of strength but a source of weakness in political warfare. The future of India rests exclusively with those radical and militant forces that will be able to undergo the sacrifice and suffering necessary for winning freedom. Last but not least, the Mahatma has failed, because he had to play a dual role in one person-the role of the leader of an enslaved people and that of a world-teacher, who has a new doctrine to preach. It is this duality which has made him at one the irreconcilable foe of the Englishman, according to Mr. Winston Churchill, and the best policeman of the Englishman, according to Miss Ellen Willkinson.

In spite of the unparalleled popularity and reputation which the Mahatma has among his countrymen and will continue to have regardless of his future political career, there is no doubt that the unique position of the Mahatma is due to his political leadership. The Mahatma himself distinguishes between his mass popularity and his political following and he is never content with having merely the former. Whether he will be able to retain that political following in the years to come in the event of the British attitude being as unbending as it is today, will depend on his ability to evolve a more radical policy. Will he be able to give up the attempt to unite all the elements in the country and boldly identify himself with the more radical forces? In that case nobody can possibly supplant him. The hero of the present phase of the Indian struggle will then be the hero of the next phase as well. But what does the balance of probability indicate?
The Patna meeting of the All India Congress Committee in May 1934, affords an interesting study in this connection. The Mahatma averted the Swarajist revolt by advocating Council-entry himself. But the Swarajists of 1934, are not the dynamic Swarajists of 1922-23. Therefore, while he was able to win them over, he could not avoid alienating the Left Wingers, many of whom have now combined to form the Congress Socialist Party. This is the first time that a Socialist Party has been started openly within the Indian National Congress, and it is extremely probable that economic issues will henceforth be brought to the fore. With the clarification of economic issues, parties will be more scientifically organized within the Congress and also among the people in general.

The Congress Socialists appear at the moment to be under the influence of Fabian Socialism and some of their ideas and shibboleths were the fashion several decades ago. Nevertheless, the Congress Socialists do represent a radical force within the Congress and in the country. Many of those who could have helped them actively are not available at present. When their assistance will be forthcoming, the Party will be able to make more headway.

One definite prediction can be made at this stage, namely, that the future parties within the Congress will be based on economic issues. It is not improbable that in the event of the Left Wingers capturing the Congress machinery, there will be a further secession from the Right and the setting up of a new organization of the Right Wingers like the Indian Liberal Federation of today. It will of course take some years to clarify the economic issues in the public mind, so that parties may be organized on the basis of a clear programme and ideology. Till the issues are clarified, Mahatma Gandhi’s political supremacy will remain unchallenged, even if there is a temporary retirement as in 1924. But once the clarification takes place, his political following will be greatly affected. As has been already indicated, the Mahatma has endeavourer in the past to hold together all the warring elements-landlord and peasant, capitalist and labour, rich and poor. That has been the secret of his success, as surely as it will be the ultimate cause of his failure. If all the warring elements resolve to carry on the struggle for political freedom, the internal social struggle will be postponed for a long time and men holding the position of the Mahatma will continue to dominate the public life of the country. But that will not be the case. The vested interests, the ‘haves’, will in future fight shy of the ‘have-nots’ in the political fight and will gradually incline towards the British Government. The logic of history will, therefore, follow its inevitable course. The political struggle and the social struggle will have to be conducted simultaneously. The Party that will win political freedom for India will also be the Party that will win social and economic freedom for the masses. Mahatma Gandhi has rendered and will continue to render phenomenal services to his country. But India’s salvation will not be achieved under his leadership.

On Deshabandhu Chittaranjan Das

For a people so prone to mysticism and supernaturalism, the only hope of political salvation lies in the growth of a sane rationalism and in the modernization of the material aspect of life. It was therefore distressing to many sober Nationalists to find that through the conscious influence of the Mahatma, some of the above weak traits in the Indian character were again becoming prominent. Thus there arose a rationalist revolt against the Mahatma and his philosophy. As the Swaraj Party headed this revolt, elements from the Right and from the Left that were tired of the irrationalism of the Mahatma-were those who preferred constitutional action to civil disobedience and the Deshabandhu C.R.Das by virtue of his social position and his vocation as an advocate, was able to command their confidence. Among the Left elements was the younger generation of Congressmen who did not find the ideology and method of the Mahatma to be sufficiently radical for the modern world and who looked upon the Deshabandhu as a more radical (or revolutionary) force in Indian politics. It was the unique personality of Deshabandhu C.R.Das that was able to combine into one party such dissimilar elements, to wrest the Congress machinery from the hands of the orthodox ‘No-Changers’ and to carry on a fight against the bureaucracy on many fronts. But in his absence, there was no one competent enough to continue his many-sided activities or to keep together the diverse elements that composed the Swaraj Party. The result was that the Swaraj Party remained in power only so long as the Mahatma did not emerge from his voluntary retirement. When he did emerge in 1929, the Swarajist leader, Pandit Motilal Nehru, surrendered without even the show of a fight.

The death of Deshabandhu C.R.Das may be regarded as the beginning of a period of all-round depression in the country. If Mahatma Gandhi had come out of his retirement exactly at this juncture, things might have taken a different course, but unfortunately for India, he did not do so. The Deshabandhu’s personality was, among other things, a powerful cementing factor within the Swaraj Party and also in the domain of Hindu-Muslem relations. It served, moreover, to tone up the attitude of the Party to an extremist pitch. In his absence, dissensions began to appear within the Party.

On Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru

Another factor which lent significance to the proceedings of the Madras Congress was the return of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru from Europe and his participation in the Congress deliberations. Pandit J.L.Nehru had had a most interesting career. After completing his studies at Cambridge he had been called to the Bar. But when in 1920 the non-co-operation movement was launched, he threw up his professional work and joined the Mahatma. According to popular gossip, he was largely responsible for persuading his father, Pandit Motilal Nehru, to do the same. He did not agree with the Swarajists on the question of working inside the Legislatures and since they came into power, he had voluntarily occupied a back seat in the councils of the Congress. Latterly he had been to Europe with his sick wife and during his stay there he studied some of the latest developments in Europe and especially in Soviet Russia. Since his return to India he gave expression to a new ideology and declared himself to be a Socialist, which was extremely welcome to the Left Wing in the Congress and to the youth organization in the country. The new phase in his public career was first given expression to the Madras Congress.

In August, a special meeting of the All-India Congress Committee was called to decide who should preside over the ensuing Congress. In accordance with the Congress Constitution, the vast majority of the Provincial Congress Committee had nominated Mahatma Gandhi, but he declined to accept the nomination. The general feeling in Congress circles was that the honour should go to Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. But the Mahatma decided to back the candidature of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. For the Mahatma the choice was a prudent one, but for the Congress Left Wing it proved to be unfortunate, because that event marked the beginning of a political rapprochement between the Mahatma and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and a consequent alienation between the latter and the Congress Left Wing. Since 1920, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru had been a close adherent of the policy advocated by the Mahatma and his personal relations with the latter had been always friendly. Nevertheless, since his return from Europe in December 1927, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru began to call himself a Socialist and give expression to views hostile towards Mahatma Gandhi and the older leaders and to ally himself in his public activities with the Left Wing opposition within the Congress. But for his strenuous advocacy, it would not have been possible for the Independence League to attain the importance that it did. Therefore, for the Mahatma it was essential that he should win over Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru if he wanted to beat down the Left Wing opposition and regain his former undisputed supremacy over the Congress. The Left Wingers did not like the idea that one of their most outstanding spokesmen should accept the Presidentship of the Lahore Congress, because it was clear that the Congress would be dominated by the Mahatma and the President would be a mere dummy. They were of opinion that a Left Wing leader should accept the Presidentship only when he was in a position to have his programme adopted by the Congress. But the Mahatma took a clever step in supporting the candidature of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and his election as President opened a new chapter in his public career. Since then, Pandit J. L. Nehru has been a consistent and unfailing supporter of the Mahatma.

Gandhi’s Appreciation of Bose . Taken from “Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi” Vol. 83 - Ahmedabad, 1981

Let me share with you the thoughts that have been crowding in my mind since yesterday. India has accorded to the released I.N.A. men a right royal welcome. They have been acclaimed as national heroes. Everybody seems to have been swept off his feet before the rising tide of popular sentiment. I must, however, frankly confess to you that I do not share this indiscriminate hero worship. I admire the ability, sacrifice and patriotism of the I.N.A. and Netaji Bose. But I cannot subscribe to the method which they adopted and which is incompatible with the one followed by the Congress for the last twenty-five years for the attainment of independence.
For me the visit to the I.N.A. men in detention was a matter of pure duty. It gave me supreme satisfaction to be able to meet them, and they on their part received me with warmth of affection which I shall always treasure. I have interpreted their welcome as a token of their recognition in me of a devoted servant of the country.
Netaji was like a son to me. I came to know him as a lieutenant, full of promise under the late Deshabandhu Das. His last message to the I.N.A. was that whilst on foreign soil they had fought with arms; on their return to India, they would have to serve the country as soldiers of non-violence under the guidance and leadership of the Congress. The message which the I.N.A. has for India is not adoption of the method of appeal to arms for settling disputes (it has been tried and found wanting) but of cultivating non-violence, unity, cohesion and organization.
Though the I.N.A. failed in their immediate objective, they have a lot to their credit of which they might well be proud. Greatest among these was to gather under one-banner men from all religions and races of India and to infuse into them a spirit of solidarity and oneness to the utter exclusion of all communal or parochial sentiment. It is an example which we should all emulate. If they did this under the glamour and romance of fighting, it was not much. It must persist in peace. It is a higher and more difficult work. We have to die performing our duty and without killing.

Nehru on the Achievements of Subhas Bose. Taken from “Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru” edited by S. Gopal/New Delhi, 1978

Some people ask me why I am now praising Subhas Bose when I had opposed him while he was in India. I want to give a frank reply to this question. Subhas Bose and I were co-workers in the struggle for freedom for 25 years. He was younger to me by two or four or perhaps more years. Our relations with each other were marked by great affection. I used to treat him as my younger brother.
The Indian National Army fought bravely for the freedom of India and large numbers of them died in that struggle. We honour them for their fight for freedom and for their sacrifices. Yet the main lesson they teach us is not only the love for the country and freedom, but discipline and organization and the unity they forged among themselves. The communal problem that troubles us so much was solved by them in their ranks. Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs lived together as Indians, and struggled unitedly for the common cause. We honour them for this specially and we honour their great leader, Subhas Chandra Bose. Even when we differed from him in the past we respected him as a great fighter for India’s freedom. In recent years he showed himself a great organizer and, above all, a welder of different communities of India into a single body. The facts that have come out in the recent trial establish that he consistently resisted the Japanese encroachment on the freedom of the Provisional Government, which he had set up, and on the Indian National Army. This Government and this army were no puppets of the Japanese, but were moved by the passion for freedom. Repeatedly they declared that they would not serve Japanese imperialism. The situation then was difficult and required a careful handling. Subhas Bose and his colleagues proved themselves as able leaders in those moments of great crisis and difficulty. Therefore we have to learn from the Indian National Army how to build up our unity and how to organize and discipline ourselves.

The INA Trial . Following excerpts have been taken from Mahanayak by Mr.Vishwas Patil

“Chalo Dilli! Onward Delhi!" Until then, in the past two centuries, no man had dares to openly defy the British! Netaji’s call set every one on fire. “My brave warriors of the Azad Hind Army, I know you are impatient to see the sun rising, free and independent over the horizon. Come! Lets go to Delhi. Break the noose of slavery that is strangling thirty-eight crore lives. Tear down the Union Jack that flutters over the Viceroy’s mansion and hoist our beloved tricolour. Then we will conduct the drill of our victorious army at the Lal Quila itself. What is rest till then? What is peace?”

The brave soldiers of the of the Azad Hind Fauj had reached the eastern gates of the country. The British stations at Imphal and Kohima were rattled. The road to Dimapur was cut off. Bishenpur fell. Subhas’s commandos landed in Gujarat, Bombay and Madras by submarine. Some said that the British papers of surrender were typed and ready. In a day or two, a week at the most, Subhas would storm Delhi with his forty thousand braves. How ever the stars played a cruel game. Unseasonal rains lashed Imphal and Kohima. Hiroshima and Nagasaki were bombed and the arena of the war changed. Thousand of the jubilant soldiers who were supposed to join in the final victory parade became an easy prey in the hands of the British army.

Once again, the Lal Quila was to witness a sensational drama. This time the noose was around the neck of three senior officers of the British-Indian Army who were carefully chosen - to ensure that no religion felt any neglect. Shah Nawaz Khan (a Muslim), Gurbaksh Singh Dhillon (a Sikh ) and Prem Sehgal (a Hindu).

One of the cell door was thrown open. An officer whispered to his colleague, “This is Shah Nawaz Khan, best Cadet of the Dehra Doon Military Academy”. One of the officers put his hands on Shah Nawaz’s shoulders said, “Son, will anyone looking at you and your borrowed uniform believe that today at least sixty men from your family are obediently serving the British army?” Shah Nawaz recognized Collins the Commandant of the IMA. He went on saying, “you would have become the Commander-in-Chief of the Indian army, my son." But, suddenly he pushed Shah Nawaz away.
“I hate you Shanno, I hate you!”
“Sir…!”
“Shall I clasp you to my breast as my beloved student, or kick you for a traitor?”
“Sir, what wrong have we done?”
“Shanno, you fool, you didn’t respect the salt you ate.”Shah Nawaz calmed down, “Whose salt?” he asked.
“The Army’s, the King Emperor’s.”“I am sorry sir! Why should I come to British shores to eat your Emperor’s salt? What I have tasted is the salt of my own land!”“Totally misguided by the enemy,” the agitated Collins spat, “If only you had stuck to your goal, you would have definitely become commander-in-chief. You have destroyed your future with your own hands, my boy!”“Sir, I consider it a boon from Allah, peace to be on him, for letting me be an ordinary guard at Netaji’s doors rather than become a commander of the treacherous British army!”
“Stop it, you bustard!” roared Collins. “Netaji, he says…you mean that Bose…driven by ambition, that power-hungry fellow, willing to join hands with the Japs- that Bengali traitor.”
“Collins, Sir, mind what you say,” shot Shah Nawaz. “Had it been anyone else I would have ripped his tongue out. How can you understand what Netaji stands for, what Gandhiji means?”
“Bose must be a magician!”“Yes, indeed he is a wizard. What were we, sir? Soldier’s simpletons who had sworn undying loyalty only to fill our stomachs. Our dreams, what were they? A career, promotion, pay, more pay, a wife, a couple of chubby children, the army club, the mindless parties. We sold our consciences cheap, sir, for the medals on our chests! Did my country figure anywhere on the world map? Once we met Netaji we saw the real contours of the country. Association with him stripped the veil from our eyes and we began to identify with our land, our soil, the very air we breathe!”“Reconsider your decision, son! You are young!”
“Why? Is my youth a disqualification for the noose?”“Don’t be a fool, listen to me. The generosity of the British is boundless like the ocean!”“What are you trying to say?”
“You can still retrieve your career.”
“How ?” Shah Nawaz asked sharply.
“I discussed the matter with the command H.Q. before I came here. You will get back the same job, the same seniority. On your own merit you can still become the Commander-in-Chief, the avenue is still open for you.”Shah Nawaz could not hold back any longer, “Sir,” he asked pointedly, "why this concern?”“Shanno, just agree to become a defense witness. That way, Bose and his mercenaries, and the Japs, will be discredited.”The words pierced Shah Nawaz’s heart, and his mind went into turmoil. He cried out, “Sir, don’t even utter such words. It is only once a while that we encounter a noble soul in our life. And even if his fading shadow falls on us, we will feel enlightened. Perhaps I will become Commander-in-Chief. But what after that? Six feet of earth over me, isn’t it? All the medals and honors from a life time of sycophancy will laugh at my corpse! How can your promise of promotion be compared with the great glory that one gets for being Netaji’s soldier?”Collins was speechless. He sighed, “Son, either I failed as a tutor, or I was unable to understand you fully.”
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Gurbaksh’s old father and wife were waiting outside the barracks, requesting a meeting, he came out. Gurbaksh’s father began, “Arre Bakshi, your elder brother is counting his last days. Your old mother keeps vigil by his bedside day and night. If you are sent to the gallows, what will we do – loosing both our sons – where should we drown ourselves?”
“Bauji, thousands of our companions starved to death in Kaladan valley. Hundreds were washed away by the Sittang River. To gain victory over Bishenpur, so many were sacrificed. Had they no mothers? No sister.”Bauji wiped his eyes and whispered to his son, “An officer from the Lahore Commissioner had come a couple of nights back. My son, some thing can be done even now.”“Like what?”“You can become a major once more.”“That’s all?”“Your family will even get a small jagir in Punjab.”“And what do I have to do for that?" Bakshi asked warily.
“No going to the congress for help, surrender to the Government. Listen to me, son. Heed these white hairs,” Bauji wept as he placed his turban at Bakshi’s feet.
“Bauji, a rock never bleeds. Because I can steel myself when required, Netaji entrusted the reigns of the Nehru Brigade in my hands. Why are you hankering after a jagir? Even if ten such jagirs were offered for free, they would not equal one Netaji. No Bauji, I can never betray Netaji – it is tantamount to betraying myself.”“Beta, don’t obey the British, fine. But will you at least follow our sacred Sikh religion? The Akal Takht is prepared to plead your case in court.”“Bauji, Shah Nawaz received a similar message. Barrister Jinnah and the Muslim League are willing to represent him. If Shah Nawaz fights for the Muslim and I fight for the Sikhs, the who will fight for Netaji’s dream of a mighty, united India? Who will weep for it?”Bauji could not say any thing. Basant looked at Gurbaksh in his tattered clothing. Then she spoke, “In the 1942 movement I led a women’s morcha in Lahor’s Anarkali Bazaar. I was arrested. Bauji suggested that I appologise to the British Govt.”Holding his breath, Bakshi asked, “And?”“I refused. So he shut the door on me.”“Bauji, what is this?”“Beta, I didn’t want it to jeopardize your career, that’s why I asked her to do it, But she turned out to be even tougher than you.”Bakshi broke into a smile to laud her, “Wah Basant, you are the perfect companion of a tiger.”
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Two cars skidded to a halt outside the barracks. Prem saw curiously as his father Accharuram emerged, a judge at the Lahore High Court, from the first one. The judge introduced his son to his companion, “this is Barrister Bhulabhai Desai.”
Bhulabhai exclaimed, “Acchcharuram, I am proud of your son.” He added, “look judge sahib, had Prem not joined the Army, he wouldn’t have been drawn to Subhas.”“Papaji, Netaji’s exhortations come straight from his heart. They were so powerful that even the dead would have been roused.”
Just then a car drove through the main gates of Lal Quila and Nehru stepped out. Slogans of “Chalo Dilli! Chalo Dilli!” And “Netaji Zindabad!” echoed off the fort walls. In the last few days the whole nation was caught in the Azad Hind Fauj wave. It wasn’t a wave- more like a typhoon. Not since the Non-cooperation movement of 1930 had the masses come out to the streets in such large numbers in support of a cause.
Congressmen deliberately refrained from any mention of Subhas Chandra Bose or the Azad Hind Fauj. But, Subhas’s supporters were well aware of the activities of the Azad Hind Fauj thanks to the National Press. They came to the congress rallies and cried out “Jai Hind” and “Chalo Dilli”. When the Congress and the Muslim league realized that the people’s response to the Azad Hind was genuine, they hastened to support it.
Nehru’s Patna rally was particularly notable. After the welcome address of Rajendra Prasad, the audience started shouting slogans. Two Veterans of the Azad Hind Fauj was pushed on to the dais. Nehru looked skeptically at the two scrawny jawans in front of the mike in their tattered khaki uniforms. But the manner in which they stood in their tunics, the way the sinews in their throats stood out as they roared, “Jai Hind!” the fierce pride in their voices as they uttered “Subhas,” “Azadi,” and “Watan,” left Nehru speechless. The two men sang,
Hindu ho ya Musalman, Sikh ya Isai saare,
Maati ke nain such hain, Mata ke hum dulare.
Sabse ooncha hai jhanda hamara
Netaji Zindabad, azad karenge…The audience was left spellbound by these Azad Hind songs. Nehru too was deeply moved, and like a young scout, Nehru moved forward, waving the tricolour, he joined the two men and sang and danced to their songs.
In his heart of hearts, Nehru was worried. Subhas couldn’t possibly be obsessed by power and authority. He had given up his appointment to the prestigious Indian Civil Service as easily as throwing something into the dustbin. He had suffered prison eleven times, and had been battered by lathis. Nehru read his recently published war speeches very carefully. “In this mortal world everything perishes and will perish, but the goals and aspirations are immortal. An individual may die so that the nation can survive. Let me die but let my motherland, Bahrat, live on.” Is it possible to achieve this spirit, this supreme self-sacrifice and total dedication with out a baptism by fire?Nehru entered the visitors’ room. An emotional Nehru addressed Bhulabhai, “For the defense of the Azad Hind I will don the barrister’s robe myself and take the stand.”“Don’t you think it will be a little difficult for you to defend Subhas at this late stage?” Bhulabhai asked eyeing Jawahar quizzically.
“It’s true,” Jawahar mumbled.
“All of us, not just Gandhiji, even you and I, did not loose a single opportunity to humiliate Subhas after the Tripuri Congress,” Bhulabhai said. “Whether we like it or not, Subhas went to the east and shown like a star. He has become a part of History.”Nehru asked that the three prisoners be brought to the visitors’ room. No sooner were they brought in when it seemed as if all the prisoners in the fort had sung in unison.
“Netaji ki jai!”“Nehru Zindabad!”“Lal Qile se ayi awaz Dhillon, Sehgal, Shah Nawaz!”“We will not abandon you at this critical juncture, when the nation is on the path to the freedom. Isn’t it, Bhulabhai?”Prem had been silent all this while but he was unable ro contain himself any longer, “Chachaji,” he said, his voice raising sharply, “all of you are advocates of non-violence. We are Netaji’s warriors. If the Congress Party’s ahimsa image is going to be blackened as a result of our swords, why do you want to enter the fray? Leave us to our fates.”“Don’t get emotional. We will consider you macquis.” said Nehru.
This comment had a remarkable effect. For a moment, the three men did not know who had spoken to them. Netaji? Nehru? So many times they had heard the story of Macquis from Netaji. Every time they were lost on their path was obscured by darkness, Netaji had reminded his compatriots of Garibaldi, Cavour and the macquis. Thus, Prem calmed down.
Nehru stood up to leave. He threw one last look at the trinity, then swallowing the lump on his throat, he said to Bhulabhai, “ I want to use every one of Subhas’s colleagues in the task of nation building. I don’t want to loose them among the millions thronging for freedom.” Nehru left but his warm reassuring words remained behind.
Bhulabhai said to Achcharuram, “Judge sahib, god grant that Nehru’s sentiments endure.” “What?”
“When Jawahar is smitten by an idea, it completely overwhelms him; this doesn’t always mean that those optimistic emotions last very long.”

---

The trial proceedings were to begin on November13th 1945. But, the atmospherewas tense and the case was case was postponed by three weeks. The news spread like a wildfire and thousands began rushing to the Lal Quila.

Lord Wavell, the Governor General was extremely uneasy. It was a crisis situation for the British Govt. who wanted to know what the reactions to this court case were going to be in every corner of the country. On the day of the hearing, a total hartal had been observed not only in cities like Bombay, Calcutta, Madras and Delhi, but even as far as Lido in Assam. Workers, students and government clerks had all boycotted work. Besides, the Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee in Amritsar had donated Rs.7000 to the Azad Hind Bacho Fund. A huge rally of over lakh people was held in Calcutta’s Deshapriya Park to save the Azad Hind Fauj. The municipalities of Pune, Kanpur and Madras had also liberally contributed to it. The tongawalas of Amaravati went around with tins collecting contributions for the Azad Hind. The Muslim League, the Congress and the Communist Party had all joined hands. The law enforcement authorities in Rawalpindi and Karachi had informed them that even in the smaller towns at least fifty thousand people gathered together. One of Wavell’s commanders remarked snidely, “Sir, the situation in Bengal is not good either. There are at least ten thousand students are milling around Wellington Square at any given point of time.”

“I am aware of that,” Wavell replied. “In many cities, there are more Muslims who support Subhas than Barrister Jinnah. But all this must stop at once. We are sitting on a volcano that is about to erupt.”

Bhulabhai spoke, “I consider myself supremely blessed to have the opportunity to argue this case. But I am sad that I was unfortunate enough not to have been in East Asia to see the exceptional figure of Netaji in person."

The Govt. emphatically told the court that the Azad Hind Fauj was a band of rebels. Wagging his finger at the judge, Bhulabhai stated, “Milord, it was not a band of rebels at all. It was the cry for freedom erupting out of thirty-eight crore throats. The Azad Hind had its own government.”

“What Govt.? Did it have even a square inch of the land under its control?”

Bhulabhai summoned Hachiya, who was the Japanese Ambassador in Netaji Subhas Bose’s parallel govt. Looking the judge in the eye Hachiya spoke, “Milord, the Japanese Parliament, the Diet, has accorded recognition to the Azad Hind Fauj. Our govt. had handed over the Andaman and Nicober Islands to Netaji. Not only that, we have even granted them fifty square miles of fertile lands in Ziyawaddy, in Burma. Besides, when the Japanese Army marched into Manipur along with the INA, all the territory we conquered was handed over to Netaji. Our Prime Minister Tojo made this categorical announcement in the Parlianment.”

After Hachiya’s deposition, Bhulabhai once again reminded the court how eight nations including Japan, Germany, Italy, Indo-China and Burma had accorded recognition to the Azad Hind Govt.

He then called in Major General Katakura to the defence box and asked, “You had drawn up the first plan for the Imphal campaign, had you not? Answer just one question. What did you give Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose then?”

“What didn’t we give! Vast sums of money for the army, recognition of his policy. But more than that, fifty thousand Japanese soldiers gave their lives in the Imphal campaign for his sake.”

“Mr.Katakura, what do you mean by ‘for his sake’?” Bhulabhai asked.

“We had planned the Imphal campaign before Netaji arrived in Japan. But the military officials abandoned it, as it would have been impractical and highly expensive.”

“Then why did you revive the plan and march to Imphal?”

“There is only one answer to this complicated question – Subhas Chandra Bose,” declared Katakura. “Netaji’s personality is like that. His fervour, his willingness to undergo any suffering inspired by us. When he met our Prime Minister for the first time at the Imperial Hotel his impassioned plea for India’s freedom moved us all- it seemed as if he was standing at the gates of heaven and arguing his case before Almighty himself.”

Major Fujiwara stood up and spoke. “Netaji’s charisma was his greatest weapon. So although Tojo was compelled to resign as a Prime Minister, assistance to Netaji did not stop.”

At these words, Savda, the Japanese Deputy Minister, Ohata, Hachiya, Katakura and the other delegates rose from their seats and said together, “Netaji taught us what love for one’s Motherland is what one must be prepared to do for that love. That is his legacy.”

As he sat down Bhulabhai looked at the judge and said, “Even I can see how much damage has been caused to the British army and the empire by the establishment of the Indian National Government. If you can cast aside your prejudice and disdain for a moment, you will admit the hollowness of the case.”

An emergency meeting was in progress at the Viceroy’s residence. A messenger arrived with a confidential note “Situation in Frontier is deteriorating. Stall case at once. Province could be lost.” Message from Bombay had already declared that there was dissatisfaction in the navy and it could trigger a riot any moment. Lakhs of people would never budge from the streets of Calcutta; Punjab was smouldering. In many small towns near Madras protest fires were burning. Lord Wavell was desparate. He pounded the table and thundered, “We set up this court room drama to expose that traitor Subhas Chandra Bose and his INA. And now those swords have turned against us! The same Bose whom we wanted to discredit as a traitor, has, in absentia, become a Mahanayak, the great hero to his followers.”